Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.

Viet Nam 2019

For thousands of years, nomadic herders of Mongolia roamed across the country-side from season to season. Dry, windy areas close to rivers are best for summers while areas away from river-bank wind and close to mountains or hills are best for winter stays. In the country where pasture always was and still is a public domain, the herders moved freely to the best locations for the season. With this lifestyle of freedom of movement and pastoral animal husbandry was invented the national dwelling called the ‘Mongol ger’. It is a round structure of easily dismantle-able walls, polls and a round ceiling covered with canvas and felt, tightened with ropes. The ger was designed to be light enough for Mongolian nomads to carry, flexible enough to fold-up, pack and assemble, sturdy enough for multiple dismantling and assembling as well as easy for regulating temperatures within. Over many centuries the mongol ger was modified into a perfectly aerodynamic structure which can withstand Mongolia's fierce spring winds ranging up to 18-20 meter/sec. It can be dismantled in half an hour and assembled in an hour by a small family with 2-3 adults. The Mongol ger has many varieties. The most common “5-wall ger” consists of five lattice segments forming a circular wall, a door, a toono (round window ceiling), two bagana (columns that hold the toono), and 88 uni(long poles that connect wall lattices and toono which forms the roof of the ger). There are also several accessories attached to the ger.

Mongolia 2013

Inscribed in 2012 (7.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nearly every Korean knows and enjoys singing Arirang, which is not just one song but a variety of local versions handed down throughout Korea. Experts estimate the total number of folk songs carrying the title ""Arirang"" at some 3,600 variations belonging to about 60 versions. Arirang is essentially a simple song, consisting of the universal refrain Arirang, arirang, arariyo, and lyrics that have developed differently from region to region. The most typical lines express a universal sentiment: Arirang, arirang, arariyo; Over the Arirang hill you go. (refrain) Leaving me, my love, you'd go lame before three miles. (lyrics) The lyrics were not created by any particular individual, but an outcome of collective contributions made by ordinary Koreans through generations. They convey joys and sorrows of common people arising from love, parting with the beloved, troublesome in-laws, or national struggle against foreign invaders. Affection for Arirang is evident throughout today's ultra-modern Korean culture, well beyond the realm of traditional music. Arirang has been rearranged into modern ballads, rock 'n roll and hip-hop, as well as symphonic pieces, appealing to a wide array of audiences and striking a chord with Koreans; it is often described as their unofficial national anthem. Olympic champion Kim Yu-na skated to an Arirang theme, ""Homage to Korea,"" at the 2011 World Figure Skating Championships. Arirang is also one of the most recognized cultural symbols and is widely used as a theme for movies, dramas and soap operas, and names of commodities, restaurants, and broadcasting companies.

South Korea 2012

In 1995, the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional Arts of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) – the lead agency mandated to preserve, promote and develop Philippine culture and the arts – affirmed the need to safeguard traditional knowledge and practices from rapid cultural devaluation brought about by media, tourism, formal education and religion. This paved the way for the creation of The School of Living Traditions (SLT) programme, involving informal, community-managed learning centres where practitioners can transmit their communities’ knowledge, intangible cultural heritage, skills and values to younger generations. The identification of priorities for safeguarding was led by elders, leaders and other members of communities through a series of consultations. In the process, the NCCA provided capacity-building assistance for the mobilization of logistics and other resources needed to establish the learning centres. The SLT programme aims to develop, implement and evaluate community-based measures to safeguard vital traditional cultural knowledge and practices from the potential negative effects of modernization.

Philippines 2021

Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

Traditional felt carpets represent one of the identity codes of the Kyrgyz people, and their recognizable, ethnographic features are an integral part of Kyrgyz cultural heritage. Kyrgyz people traditionally produce two types of felt carpets: Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdaks. Knowledge, skills, diversity, the semantics of ornaments, and the ceremonies of creating carpets, are all important cultural components. They provide Kyrgyz people with a sense of identity and continuity. Both types of felt carpets are included into the set of a traditional bride’s dowry. Shyrdaks sometimes are gifted for house-warming parties. The making of Kyrgyz felt carpets is inseparably linked with the everyday lifestyle of nomads, who used felt carpets to warm and decorate their homes. Ala-kiyiz are usually placed in the kitchen and the entrance area of the house. Shyrdaks are more complicated to produce and are more expensive, thus they are placed at the honourable part of the dwelling. The felt carpets ornaments reflect their creators’ outlooks and ideas about the Earth, water, mountains, celestial bodies and fertility.

Kyrgyzstan 2012

Angklung is a simple, original bamboo musical instrument of Indonesia documented since at least 1704. The word Angklung comes from the Sudanese angkleung-angkleungan. Angka means pitch/tone, and lung means broken. 2-4 bamboo resonating tubes carved and tuned carefully are suspended in a rectangular partitioned frame made of white bamboo tightly bound with rattan cords. Lugs on the bottom of the tubes move in rectangular shaped slots in the bamboo base tube of the frame. The resonator tubes sound when the frame is shaken or tapped. The 2 or 3 resonating tubes are tuned to the same note in different octaves. There are also 3 and 4 tube angklungs with tubes tuned to the notes of a chord. Making and tuning the resonator tubes is a great skill taking years to master. Udjo Ngalagena, founder of Saung Angklung Udjo, referred to the sound of angklung as ‘the music of nature'. The form of the angklung itself contains symbolism and philosophical values. The large and small tubes symbolize that the great, strong and rich must always protect and shelter the small, weak and poor. Each angklung has at least 2 resonating tubes, symbolizing that human beings should never isolate themselves or be egoistic, but rather always live within a society. The tubes are arrayed from small to large. This symbolizes that every day, human beings must strive to be better than yesterday, and that some people are created small and some big, but there is nothing to be regretted, as it is all due to fate. The angklung will sound nicely if the large and small tubes move at the same time, within their limits. This symbolizes that if everyone is aware of his or her rights and responsibilities, life will be harmonious. The tubes will sound if the lugs at their bottom ends touch the base tube of the frame. Similarly, one may become great, speak and be of good character if one does not forget one’s identity and culture, while if one forgets then one cannot become anything. The three tubes of an angklung symbolize tritangtu, (in Bali trihitakarana) -- to perform good action with mind, body and words. Each angklung produces a single note or chord. Thus many players each holding a single instrument must collaborate together to play melodies. This develops teamwork, mutual respect (learning to live together), discipline, and artistic sense, even among players from different communities or nationalities. Traditional angklungs use pentatonic scale, while modern/Padaeng angklungs use dialtonic scale. Angklung is closely related with traditional customs, arts and cultural identity in West Java and Banten Provinces and elsewhere. Traditional angklungs are played during ceremonies, eg. rice planting time with the hope of a bountiful harvest, harvest time, circumcision, etc. Traditional angklung culture is transmitted from parents to children, or through non-formal education. Now modern Angklung Padaeng is taught in educational institutions from kindergarten to university level, and is proven to have a positive effect.

Indonesia 2010

a) Traditional handicraft techniques The old art of manufacturing the traditional Iranian floating vessel, called Lenj, has remained relatively unchanged. Lenjes are, mostly, made for their large cargo capacity. The Lenj-Bum was, once, the best ship for the Iranian sailors and navigators. Even now, it is still competing with rivals. But the gradual decrease in the number of the long voyages is limiting the popularity of the vessel. Lenj-Bum is capable of tolerating the storms. Originally, Lenjes were used in commercial travels to distant destinations, including India and Africa. Lenjes are composed of various parts, each made of special types of wood, depending on their function. Contemporarily, Lenjes are used, solely, for short journeys, fishing and pearl hunting. Older Lenjes were capable of travelling for, even, one year. The Persian sailors used to launch their commercial ships from the three ports of Loft, Kong and Lian, in Bushehr. The marine routes were, however, more varified, and would include travels to Basra in Iraq, or to the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. Their main trades included dates, wood of Chandal, pottery, coconut and fruits. b) Knowledge and practices concerning the nature and the universe Before the introduction into the tradition of modern positioning systems, Iranian navigators could locate the ship according to the positions of the sun, the moon and the stars. An individual, called Moallem (“teacher; guide”), was responsible for the positioning jobs on the Lenj. Looking at the sun and the stars with his means, including the Persian astrolabe and sextant, at 6 AM and 6 PM, he could locate the Lenj on the sea. Navigation at night was the captain’s duty. He would order a Sokkāni (“helmsman”) to lead the ship into the direction of a specified star till the moment of sunrise. Compasses brougth more convenience for the navigators. They could define the routes more delicately, by utilizing a combination of astronomy and the newly introduced compass technology. The sailors started to record the stars’ specifications on the compasses. Using this combined method, they would define the route at night. The number of stars used as reference points was 17; they would be repeated in both northern abd southen directions round the compasses. The navigational knowledge and legacy is still passed on from fathers to sons. The Iranian navigators also had special formulae to measure the latitudes and longitudes, as well as the water depth. Sailors needed the wind in favour in their travels to the south; they would arrange for their voyages according to the seasonal winds that would blow every 6 months from north to south. They also attended to the particular winds of Persian Gulf to find a forecast for weather. Each wind had a native regional name. Knowing the wind route was not enough to trace the time of a pending storm; they also attended to the color of waters, the wave heights, or the nature of the blowing wind. c and d) Performing arts, Social practices and festivity events The majority of the Iranian inhabitants of the region earn their livelihood from the sea; consequently, the Persian Gulf continues to receive their respect. A number of traditional ceremonies and customs about Lenjes and the sea show their rooted symbiosis with nature. Nowruz-e-Sāyyad (Fisherman’s New Year) is one example. The celebration occurs late in the month of Tir (June 22nd), as a surviving traditional ceremony from the distant years. No fishing, no trades, and no sea journeys are allowed on this day. In the morning, the children colour animal foreheads, with red clay; and by sunset, all villagers gather on the seashore to play music or perform the proceedings of Shushî, an old traditional performing art, showing the sailors’ respect for the nature. Some people wear special clothes and masks, and try to represent sea-gulls. When the native music band plays Rezif (the sailors’ traditional music), suddenly, a number of men with fearful appearances come out of the sea, and pretend to attack the people. They are Shushi’s, the old demons who were asleep, and now the new years’ eve has awakend them. Interestingly, the people enter dialogues with these demons, and encourage them to join in the feast. Bādebān-Keshi (“setting the sail”) is another surviving ceremony. Long ago, when the ships were about to leave for long voyages, by the time the sailors were setting the sails, the music would accompany from the shore. The sailor’s families would bid farewell. Specific music and rhythms constitute inseparable parts of sailing on the Persian Gulf. In the past, the sailors sang special songs while they were working. In Hormozgan province, three such musical traditions are, still, attended by the locals: Livā, Rezif and Azvā. The singers describe a marine travel in their songs. Traditional bagpipes, named Neyanbān, accompany. The ritualistic performances are reminiscent of the jobs on the Lenjes. The movements resemble hoisting the ropes, rowing, holding in the fishing nets, and also separating and classifying the fish. e) Oral traditions and expressions, including languages as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage There are traditional sailing terminologies, stories and poems (Sharve) related to the nominated element in modern Iranian languages and dialects of the region. These linguistic varieties are representable as: 1.Lārestanî :(Aradi,Evazi,Bastaki,Banāruye-yi,Bikhe-yi,Khonji,Fedāghi,Fishvari,Gerāshi and Lāri) 2.Bashākerdî/Bashkardî :(Bandar-Abbāsi,Rudāni,Minābi and Hormozi) 3.Kumzārî :(Lāraki, …)

Iran 2011

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

Children's folklore is a specific area of ​oral artistic creativity, which, unlike adult folklore, has its own poetics, its own forms of existence and its bearers. The common practice of children's folklore is the relationship of the artistic text with the game. It is a kind of tool for the socialization of a child, an area of traditional folk culture, including verbal genres and forms of children's creativity, as well as adult folklore addressed to children. It has its own genre system and aesthetic specificity. Children's folklore is one of the directions of oral folk art.

Bài Chòi is a diverse art form combining music, poetry, stage acting, painting and literature. It takes two main forms: "Bài Chòi games" and "Bài Chòi performance". "Bài Chòi games" are played during Lunar New Year by Việt people of Central Việt Nam. To play Bài Chòi, nine or eleven bamboo huts are built in a U-shape within a temple yard or in a vacant ground. The hut placed at the bottom of the U shape is called "main hut" (chòi cái), and the game leaders, who can be either male or female, are called Hiệu artists. The game leader takes a card out of a tube of cards, and then sings for people to guess what the card is. This part is called "Hô Thai". Players buy three cards and wait in the hut. Anyone whose three cards match the cards sung by the Hiệu artists will be declared the winner and given the prize. A new session will then restart. "Bài Chòi performance", male and female Hiệu artists perform on a rattan mat. They either travel from place to place to perform, or otherwise are invited to play for private families, forming rattan-peforming or mobile Bài Chòi styles. A single artist may also perform "solo Bài Chòi". In this case, the artists performs a number of theatrical roles. For some artists, Bài Chòi performances are a mean of earning a living. Musical instruments accompanying Bài Chòi include the two-stringed fiddle, clappers, shawm and war drums.

Viet Nam 2017

“Hıdrellez” is a compound name derived from “Hıdır” and “İlyas”. They are believed to be sacred figures who meet each other once in a year on May 6th and are considered to be the protectors of earth and water as well as helpers of individuals, families and communities in need of them. May 6th is accepted and celebrated as Spring Day, awakening of nature. According to the beliefs of some communities a year is divided into two seasons in accordance with the visibility and invisibility of the star Pleiades that cannot be observed from May 6th until November. The element is maintained today, various ceremonies and rituals connected to the nature are performed providing well-being, fertility and prosperity of family and community, protecting livestock and crops for the upcoming year. On the evening of May 5th, young people gather in a house and prepare one storage pot made of clay in which there are some herbs and water, where each participant put different small personal object called “nishan” inside with some wish for the following year. Covered with red cloth the pot is left under a rose bush, and left during the night. Before sunrise on May 6th, the courtyard of a house is cleaned and in the middle a bonfire is lit. It is believed that as higher the fire goes, the more productive the upcoming year will be. Young people jump over the fire and go in the nearest green field or forest where they collect different herbs and green plants. They put swings up on a fertile tree and while swinging sing Hıdrellez songs. After that the young people go to the garden, where they have put the pot and proceed to the ritual called “Martufal”: A young girl, whose parents are alive, mixes the nishans inside the pot and picks them out one by one. The picked nishan is shown to the people around, while giving it to its owner they sing a quatrain called “Mani”. Each nishan is considered to be magical and each mani should bring luck and good health to its owner. After the Martufal the participants have family lunch, the celebration continues all day with wrestling games called “Pelivan” and dancing festivities organized by the local communities.

Macedonia,Turkey 2017