Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009

“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

The Kate Festival of the Cham people is the most important festival of the Cham community in Ninh Thuan, taking place in the 7th month of the Cham calendar every year (around October of the Gregorian calendar). This festival is to commemorate gods such as Po Klaung Garai, Po Rame... and ancestors. The Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province usually takes place in a large space at the temples and towers: Pô Klong Garai Tower (Do Vinh ward, Phan Rang - Thap Cham city), Pô Rômê Tower (Hau Sanh village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district) and Po Inư Nưgar Temple (Huu Duc village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district), in order from the temple, tower to the villages and finally to the family, creating a rich and diverse Cham festival flow. The Kate Festival consists of two parts: the ceremony and the festival. The ceremony includes rituals such as: The ritual of receiving clothes from the youngest Raglai brother down from the mountain at 7am; Opening the tower door to invite the gods to attend and enjoy the offerings; The ceremony of bathing the statue of the god; The ceremony of dressing the statue of the god Anguei Khan Aw Kapo; The most important Adaoh Tâm ceremony, starting from 9am - 11am; Kate festival at the temple, tower: The beginning of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan is the worship ceremony at the temple tower directed by the high priest. The celebrant will play the Kanhi and sing a hymn, offering the gods. After that, the high priest will preside over the statue bathing ceremony performed by some Brahmin priests. The offerings in the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan at the temple tower include: 3 chickens, 1 big goat, 3 loaves of rice cakes, 1 tray of rice with sesame salt, 5 trays of rice with goat meat and soup with fresh fruit. In addition, the offerings also include eggs, wine, sticky rice, betel and areca nuts... After completing the above rituals, people will return to the village and continue other rituals. When the sacred dance in the tower has just ended, the festival outside the tower begins. The Kate festival is similar to the Lunar New Year of the Kinh people. The festival is vibrant with dances, Cham folk songs, Gi Nang drums, Saranai trumpets, brocade weaving performances, pottery making, water carrying competitions, drum beating... Kate festival in villages and families: The worship rituals and the festival part of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan are held in parallel. Before the festival, villagers will clean the temple together, decorate the village house, and prepare food, drinks, and the yard. According to beliefs, each village will worship a god, but all are village gods. The celebrant - a prestigious person, trusted by the villagers, will represent the people to offer offerings to the gods to pray for good things, luck, and peace. After the Kate Festival in the village, the Cham people will return to their homes to perform the ceremony. The celebrant is the oldest person in the clan. This is the person who will represent the whole family to offer offerings to the ancestors. At this time, all family members are present, dressed neatly and sincerely pray for the ancestors to wish for peace. The Kate Festival expresses the desire for fertility, praying for growth, good crops towards a peaceful and prosperous life. With its great historical and cultural value, the Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province was recognized as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.

Truong Lam Communal House Festival (in Viet Hung Ward, Long Bien District) is held annually from the 9th to the 11th of the second lunar month, to pray for favorable weather, good crops, and people's prosperity and health. The traditional festival is associated with the historical relic of Truong Lam Communal House - Pagoda, which is a place to worship three deities: Linh Lang Dai Vuong, Princess Dao Hoa and Princess Phu Nuong. Among them, Linh Lang Dai Vuong is the first Saint, also one of the gods of Thang Long Tu Tran - Hanoi. The relic complex of Truong Lam Communal House - Pagoda was recognized as a National Monument in 1992. According to the legend, Linh Lang Dai Vuong's name is Hoang Chan, the fourth son of King Ly Thanh Tong (1054 -1072), his mother is Hao Nuong, the 9th concubine, from Dong Doai - Bong Lai Commune - Dan Phuong District - Son Tay Town. In 1075, the country was invaded by foreign forces. Prince Hoang Chan asked the king and Prince Chieu Van to command a fleet to cross Vinh An estuary to attack and destroy the enemy's outposts along the border. He coordinated with General Ton Dan's army to capture the strategic bases and the supply base of the Song enemy in Ung Chau citadel. Our army won a great victory, and the country was at peace. In the year Dinh Ty (1077), the Song enemy sent troops to invade our country again. Once again, Prince Hoang Chan, together with Prince Chieu Van and Grand Chancellor Ly Thuong Kiet, commanded a fleet from Van Xuan upstream on the Khao Tuc River to suddenly attack the enemy's eastern defense line on the banks of the Nhu Nguyet River, contributing greatly to driving the Song enemy out of the Dai Viet border, opening an era of national independence. Considering the merits of Prince Hoang Chan, King Ly Nhan Tong granted the title of Linh Lang Dai Vuong Thuong Dang Phuc Than to 269 villages nationwide. The rituals in the traditional festival of Truong Lam village include: incense offering ceremony, water procession ceremony, literature procession, horse procession, Saint worship ceremony, etc. In particular, the Snake Shedding dance is an extremely unique and important dance in the festival, depicting the shedding of the body, becoming a Saint, expressing the villagers' respect and remembrance of the merits of the saints and ancestors. According to legend, the snake shedding dance and the Truong Lam village festival have existed since around the 15th century, along with the formation of the village communal house. Among the 269 villages nationwide worshiping Linh Lang Dai Vuong, only Truong Lam communal house has the snake shedding dance. This dance has the participation of 15 young men, this is a form of performance praising the merits of Saint Linh Lang. The festival also features folk activities and games such as: Dragon dance, Cheo singing, Chinese chess, catching ducks in the pond, tug of war, Cheo singing... serving the entertainment and experience needs of locals and tourists. The festival is an opportunity to promote the beauty of the locality to people across the country, as well as to pay tribute to the contributions and sacrifices of previous generations. With its unique values, the Truong Lam Communal House Festival was listed as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2018.

The Minh thệ Oath-taking Festival (also known as the Minh Thề Festival) in Hoa Lieu village has existed for more than 500 years, and is an opportunity for people to commemorate the merits of the Empress Dowager Vũ Ngọc Toàn, who founded Lan Hiểu hamlet (today's Hoa Lieu hamlet) and review the content of the "Hịch Văn Hội Minh Thề" (oath). The festival takes place at the Hoa Lieu Temple - Pagoda Historical and Cultural Relic Site (Hoa Lieu hamlet, Thuan Thien commune, Kien Thuy district), Hai Phong city on January 14-16 every year. According to history, this ritual dates back to the Mac Dynasty, in 1561, Empress Dowager Vu Thi Ngoc Toan (wife of the Supreme Emperor Mac Dang Dung) founded Lan Nieu hamlet (now Hoa Lieu village, Thuan Thien commune). She donated to renovate the ancient Thien Phuc Tu pagoda (now Hoa Lieu pagoda). After the renovation, with the remaining donated funds, she bought more than 47 hectares of rice fields to divide among the farmers and make public land. The village called this field “Holy Field”. To prevent selfish interests, the Queen Mother and the villagers established the Proclamation of the Minh The Oath with an oath to take public property as the most important and not to encroach on public property. The Minh The Oath Festival was born from that time and has been passed down to this day. In the 19th century, the Nguyen Dynasty decreed the four golden words “My tuc kha phong” for the Minh The Oath Festival. In 1993, the Hoa Lieu temple complex was recognized as a national historical site, and the Minh The Oath Festival was restored. On the main day of the festival, the villagers set up an oath platform in front of the Hoa Lieu pagoda. The altar was solemnly arranged, with the highlight being the mandarin’s hat placed solemnly on the front of the altar. During the ceremony, the celebrant used a knife to perform the gesture of “pointing to the sky and drawing the ground” (“thiết linh trích địa”) in a large circle with a diameter of about 2 mét in the middle of the temple yard, called the The Oath Platform. The celebrant sticks a knife in the middle of the circle to show his determination to fulfill the oath. After that, the village officials and elders perform the incense offering ceremony to pray to heaven, earth, and the gods. After the rituals: offering incense, flowers, wine, and water to the gods, the celebrant stands in front of the oath platform and reads the Proclamation of the Oath. The content of the oath is that people must be upright, use public property for public purposes, and if they are greedy for private purposes, they will be punished. After the reading and oath-taking part, the ritual of cutting the chicken's throat and drinking "Kim Ke Huyet Tuu" takes place according to tradition. Everyone in the village drinks the oath wine (rooster's blood mixed with white wine) to wish for good luck and a clear conscience and participates in activities: tug of war, chess, rowing, cockfighting, etc. The Minh The Festival not only has historical and cultural value, but also contributes to educating the tradition of patriotism, ethics, lifestyle, village love, and neighborliness for generations of local people. In 2017, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism recognized the Minh thệ Oath-taking Festival as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)

Drukor and Tokor mean the same thing, that is, collection of bru (grain) or collection of to (food grains) by the people of Merak and Sakteng in Bhutan. These highlanders of the east use brukor while the highland settlers of the west use tokor. The highlanders fill their stores with various types of grains, mostly rice and maize. Some households even have grain stocks as old as 20 years as one does not need to worry about insects at high altitude. During the summer, the highlanders are busy tending their animals while farmers in the lower altitude villages are busy with crop farming, but during the autumn season when farmers harvest their crops, the highlanders come for brukor or tokor. They normally take loads of raw incense leaves, butter, dried cheese, fermented cheese, meat, hides, wool, and all sorts of animal products to exchange for grains. Normally their transactions are barter system, though cash transaction is also common in order to buy necessary items such as salt, sugar, and tealeaves that are imported from India. The highlanders transport these goods on horses, yaks, dzos, and oxen and also carry them on their own backs. The caravan will range from a few to over 20 pack animals walking in line along the tracks, halting at nights where there is enough grass and water for the animals. Over the years, this custom has led to a special bond between the highland dwellers and lowland farmers known as naep (host/guest). Following the harvest in winter, the highlanders visit the lower altitude for brukor and become the guests of the farmers, while in summer, the farmers visit the highland pastures in search of butter and cheese and become guests of highland hosts. In the central districts, the highlanders also take care of the flocks of sheep belonging to the low altitude farmers from April until the Blessed Rainy Day in the autumn, receiving a measure of grain for each animal by way of exchange. The highlanders store their grains with the host family until all of it has been carried up to their highland homes, which may take some months. They do this with complete trust that the quantity will remain correct, to the last grain. However, this tradition is now almost lost in some parts of the country, since the yak products are easily traded for cash in the urban centres where alternative accommodation is now easily found. Moreover, the modern market has everything that a highlander needs to buy with cash. The liberalisation of cordyceps collection has also increased the purchasing power of the highlanders. In the central districts, sheep culture has been now disappeared from the landscape.

An important ritual in the life cycle of a person, for a shaman, an adult man, sometimes a woman. Through the initiation ceremony, it marks the man's maturity before the community and ancestors. The man is granted a title, granted a rank of spirit soldiers, recognized by the ancestors as a descendant, given a dharma name, worshiped by his parents and ancestors when alive, and met the Jade Emperor when dead. When performing, the family invites 9 shamans to organize the ceremony, of which 2 are the masters. To be ordained, the ordained person and the 9 shamans must go through 15 steps. At each step, there are many small ceremonies - each ceremony has different content but all have the same meaning of inviting the gods to give glory to the disciple. The coming of age ceremony usually goes through 3 levels, each time the level increases, the dharma name is changed and more spirit soldiers are granted to increase power and authority. The title ceremony begins with a petition. Offerings include 3 to 5 chickens, incense, flowers, fruit cakes, white wine, water... a positive paper, a negative paper, a petition. The person receiving the ceremony reaches the level of a Dharma Master. The Dharma Master performs the ceremony himself in his family, performs the usual rituals of praying and paying respects such as praying to ward off bad luck, praying for peace, praying for blessings, protecting the house, etc. The second time is the ordination ceremony. The ordination ceremony, a mandatory procedure, marks the maturity of the shaman, officially recognizing him as a member of the shaman profession of the San Diu people. After fully preparing the offerings, the shamans perform the ritual of purifying and protecting the altar, praying to the gods, offering wine and fruits, cakes, inviting the Three Thousand Dharma Masters, gods, and guardian spirits to descend to the altar. Next is the ceremony of recruiting heavenly soldiers, inviting thousands of heavenly soldiers, generals, gods, and masters to attend the ceremony. 37 gods are invited to witness the ordination ceremony. Coming to the ceremony of presenting the petition to the saints; presenting the token and seal of the person receiving the ceremony; offering and reporting the petition; offering the red scarf; ritual of establishing the throne; transmitting the signal of the Saint; providing military provisions; giving thanks; giving the grand rite. The petition of the shaman transmitted to the person receiving the ceremony consists of 24 papers. The papers with the sound are immediately burned. All the rituals take place continuously for two days and one night. The shaman who is ordained for the third time will reach the rank of Tong Xuyen. This is the highest rank for a shaman. The Cap Sac ceremony of the San Diu people in Thai Nguyen was included in the list of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

The title ‘Traditional Ainu Dance’ is defined as dances and songs transmitted among the Ainu people of distinctive cultures in Hokkaido located in the northern area of Japan. Those dances and songs are derived from the life and religion of the Ainu people; some are performed at ceremonies and banquets in local communities, and others privately performed in daily lives. Neither of them is accompanied with musical instruments. They are performed along with songs and handclaps of dancers and participants on site. The Ainu people used to live in a vast area including Hokkaido, the northern part of Honshu, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin. Currently, however, most of them live mainly in Hokkaido, and its population is estimated at approximately twenty-four thousand. The Traditional Ainu Dance is transmitted by the seventeen preserving associations established in fifteen cities and towns where the Ainu people live. Allegedly the Ainu culture of today’s style was formed up approximately in the twelfth or thirteenth century. People at that time lived by fishing, hunting and gathering, and they also traded with other areas. In this way of life, the Ainu people have developed such a creed as they believe in deities which are omnipresent at anything related to their lives, namely the nature (the sun, rain, water, fire etc.) including animals and plants. Thus, they often conducted prayers and ceremonies in their daily life. The Traditional Ainu Dance can be performed at these prayers and ceremonies or banquets. ‘Iyomante,’ for example, is the biggest ceremony with the Traditional Ainu Dance for sending a deity disguised as a bear back to heaven. The Ainu people believe that a deity comes down to the human world in disguise of an animal or a plant which is a gift from the deity to be eaten by the human beings. Once people have physically eaten it up, they thank the remaining spirit of this invisible deity for its gift and hold a ceremony to send it back to heaven. During the ceremony people sing and dance. One of the features found in the Ainu performing arts is the imitation of calls and movements of animals and birds. During the ceremony of ‘Iyomante’ people repeatedly imitate calls and sounds accompanied with its movements of a bear, and words are inserted in such repetitions. On the other hand, performing arts which are privately performed in an Ainu daily life contain lullabies, improvisatory lyrical songs, incantations with melodies, and songs accompanied with movements of labours by several persons in a daily life. As mentioned above, the Traditional Ainu Dance is performed at important ceremonies and banquets to the Ainu people and also in their daily life, through which the Ainu people reconfirm the identity and deepen a sense of continuity. Currently, in addition to such ceremonies as mentioned above, the Traditional Ainu Dance is demonstrated at newly projected festivals and events. It is one element of the intangible cultural heritage transmitted from generations to generations and is continuously developed and reproduced according to the situations of each era. The traditional style of the Ainu dances is a big circle of many participants, proceeding right-handed with some fixed movements and singing together. They sing the same song together or in turns, otherwise they sing in a responding way between a chorus leader and the others. Some of those traditional songs are polyphonic; several women sit on a floor in a circle in surrounding a lid of a wooden container, make a rhythm in beating the lid, and sing the same melody with one sound successively delayed. Because there are currently many opportunities to perform it apart from a daily life, some dances and songs have been formed up as independent repertoires in paying due attention to the traditional performing style. As overviewed, they are (i) the imitation of calls and movements of animal, namely ‘crane dance’, ‘fox dance’ and ‘swallow dance’: (ii) the imitation of insects, namely ‘grasshopper dance’: (iii) the ritual one, namely ‘sword dance’ and ‘bow dance’: (iv) the entertaining one: (v) the improvisatory one. Thus, the Traditional Ainu Dance is simple and naive, and often retains the primordial quality inside. In this sense it can illustrate the origin of performing arts.

Japan 2009