Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)

Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.

Philippines 2019

Hai Ba Trung Temple, also known as Ha Loi Temple, Me Linh Commune, has a very important historical significance. This is the place to worship two national heroines, Trung Trac and Trung Nhi - the leaders of the uprising to overthrow the Han Dynasty and regain national independence and autonomy in 40 - 43 (AD). Trưng Sisters Temple Festival - Me Linh is held annually at the beginning of the first lunar month at the Temple to commemorate the two Ladies' contributions. The main festival opens from the 6th to the 10th of January with incense offering ceremonies, processions, sacrifices, palanquin handovers... Every 5 years, in years ending in 0 and 5, people will organize a palanquin procession of Hai Ba Trung with the four tutelary deities of Ha Loi village. From the 4th of January, local people will perform a bathing ceremony, changing the cover of the statue of the Queen. Then, on the 4th and 5th, the locals will hold a ritual to worship the Two Ladies at the village communal house with the village's tutelary god, the four generals (the brothers Do, Ho, Bach, and Hac who helped Thanh Tan Vien restore the Hung dynasty). In the procession of the Two Ladies from the Temple to the Communal House, there will be: 2 elephants, 2 horses, a team of young women wearing white shirts carrying the palanquin, a team of female guards wearing brown shirts, wearing leggings, carrying swords like soldiers in ancient times, and two teams of women carrying the two palanquins. In addition, there will be a team of men wearing blue ceremonial shirts with seals, a team of musicians, a team of money bearers, a team carrying flags, long swords, and eight treasures, umbrellas, and parasols, creating a solemn atmosphere for the festival. On the morning of the 6th, the villagers will send the Two Ladies back to the capital. The Trưng Sisters Temple Festival in Me Linh has its own unique feature, which is the palanquin handover ceremony. The procession will have the following order: Thanh Hoang palanquin and General Cot Tung will stand on both sides of the yard to pay respect to the Two Ladies returning to the capital. When leaving the Temple, Trung Trac palanquin will go first. When reaching the road to the village communal house, Trung Nhi palanquin will go first. When reaching the communal house gate, the elder palanquin will go first, the younger palanquin will go after. Both sides will welcome the two ladies. This ceremony symbolizes the image of the king returning from the capital Me Linh to visit the village. From the 7th to the 10th of January, the Trưng Sisters Temple Festival will include the ritual to pay respect to the six female generals, the blessing ritual, the banquet and the thanksgiving ritual. After the ritual, the festival will feature many folk games such as: swing, blindfolded goat catching, traditional wrestling... and performances reenacting the heroic feat when the two ladies sacrificed the flag to start the uprising, creating a bustling and joyful atmosphere for the festival. The festival contains noble humanistic values, educating the tradition of patriotism, the morality of drinking water and remembering its source.

Kỳ yên Peace Begging Festival takes place from December 15-17 every year, at the village communal house, commemorating the ancestors who founded the village and praying for peace. According to the custom, a Great Ceremony will be held every 3 years. Offerings include sticky rice, meat, tea, wine, fruit cakes, and live pigs. During the three days of the festival, the community performs the following rituals: Opening the gate on the morning of the 15th (opening the communal house door, hanging the ceremonial flag); Mộc Dục (at noon, wrapped in a circle of red silk); Chanting prayers for peace (in the evening, monks and Buddhists perform); On the afternoon of the 16th, the first Tế Hậu ceremony (ceremony of Tiền hiền, Hậu hiền - Tiền vãng, Hậu vãng, Lord of the soil and the ground, and ten types of spirits); Tỉnh Sanh ceremony (sacrifice a live pig in the evening, there is a ritual to puncture the pig's blood, there must be a pig's scream); Bringing a bowl of feathers and pig's blood to bury under the Agriculture God's altar); Đàn Cả (the largest and most important ceremony, sacrificed at midnight, offerings include live pigs, incense, lamps, incense, wine, tea, and water; rituals of offering incense, offering wine, offering fruit, offering tea, reading wishes in Han characters; cutting a square of the front and hind thigh meat to offer to the gods; On the evening of the 17th, the 2nd Tế Hậu ceremony, Xây chầu, Dai Đại Bội, Bội singing, Reverend King, Reverend Marshal, Ceremony to receive the Patriarch Bội singing.

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

In Tetum, "Tebe" literally means "to kick with the feet". Tebe is a traditional Timorese dance known as Tebe-Tebe. It’s practiced in all municipalities of Timor-Leste, including Indonesian Timor (the western part of the island). This dance involves people holding hands, forming a circle or line, while dancing to the rhythm of traditional musical instruments or to the sound of traditional songs. Tebe is called by different names among various ethnolinguistic groups. It includes several forms, each designed to fulfill a specific purpose within the community, as passed down by the ancestors. Depending on its functions, tebe can be classify into three categories: •\tTebe in Cultural ceremonies. Tebe in cultural ceremonies performed as a way of connecting and communicating with God or nature. The songs that accompany them often mention the sun, the moon, and high mountains, symbolizing requests for help and expressing gratitude. Tebe in this category include: tebe-beirana, from the municipality of Ermera; tebe-sosé and esalelo, from the municipality of Bobonaro; and tebe-Leoleo, from the municipality of Ainaro. These dances are widely performed in traditional ceremonies, such as sau-batar (corn harvesting), bolu-udan (invoking rain), hapara-udan (stopping rain), kuru bee lulik (fetching sacred water), and the inauguration ceremony of uma-lulik (sacred house), among others. •\tTebe for festive entertainment. Tebe in entertainment is often performed during activities such as the construction of sacred houses, the harvesting of corn, the threshing of rice, the dragging of wood, and the celebration of national days. Festive dances include: tebe-sandole from the municipality of Liquiça; tebe-ohelelele and tebe-odi from the municipality of Baucau; tebe-herlelek and tali-bole from the municipality of Viqueque; tebe-cheilaho uma anakenu and tebe-oleleleo from the municipality of Lautem; and tebe-lesuhere and tebe-goulolo from the municipality of Bobonaro. •\tTebe (dance) to welcome guests. It is performed to welcome the official government visitors or other special guests. Communities organize a warm welcome to express joy and show hospitality. Reception dances include: tebe-foder, from Ermera; tebe-kurikai and semanese, from Ainaro; and tebe-sai-rain, from Viqueque. The tebe sai-rain dance, in particular, is performed on a special occasion to welcome a newborn, during a ceremony known as "fase-matan" washing of the baby's eyes.

Tản Viên Sơn Thánh, also known as Son Tinh, is a saint associated with the legend of fighting against nature and foreign invaders to preserve the country. He is one of the "four immortals" of Vietnamese gods. The Worship of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh covers a large cultural space in the Northern Delta region, of which the most concentrated is the Xu Doai region (the core area is Ba Vi district). The Worship of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh is practiced by the people of Ba Vi district - Hanoi at over 100 relics in the area, typically the relic cluster of Thuong temple, Trung temple, Ha temple (in the area of Ba Vi and Minh Quang communes), Tay Dang communal house (in Tay Dang town), Thuy Phieu communal house (Thuy An commune), Khe Thuong communal house (Son Da commune).... Every year, on the full moon day of the first lunar month, local people organize a festival with rituals and orations recalling the merits of the saint. During the ceremony, the head of the incense (the representative of the people in the area) will read the eulogy recalling the merits of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh in a solemn atmosphere, in which special emphasis is placed on the royal decree with the honorary titles. The festival includes many performances that reflect the traditions of martial arts and the diligence and creativity of the people in their labor, such as lion dance, dragon dance, swing playing, wrestling, cockfighting, boating, duck catching, climbing bridges... These activities all recall the merits of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh in teaching people how to farm and train the army... On the 6th day of the 11th lunar month, Ba Vi district organizes an incense offering ceremony to commemorate the death of Saint Tản Viên. In addition to the usual offerings such as chicken, pig, sticky rice, wine, incense and flowers, each place worshiping Tan Vien Son Thanh in big parties has its own offerings. Among them, the indispensable offering is a pig or chicken with jet-black fur. If the pigs and chickens offered to the Saint have white feathers, the whole village will not have good business that year... The Worship of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh is imbued with humanity, looking back to the origin, expressing the desire to conquer nature and towards a better life of people. The Worship of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh has a particularly important meaning in the spiritual life of the people of Ba Vi district. He is not only the patron saint of the village but is also revered by the people as the First God of Fortune, the Supreme God, and the national hero, the hero of opening the land and controlling the water, the hero who enlightened the culture of our nation since the founding of the country. With its great cultural heritage value, on January 30, 2018, the Worship of Tản Viên Sơn Thánh in Ba Vì was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a national intangible cultural heritage in Decision No. 266/QD-BVHTTDL.

Suối Mỡ Temple Festival is held on March 30 and April 1 of the lunar calendar every year at Suối Mỡ Temple, to honor the Three Holy Mothers, especially Princess Quế Mỵ Nương, daughter of the 16th Hùng King. He was instrumental in opening the Stream, helping people clear the land, and creating water for people to cultivate. Right from the early morning of the 1st, 25 processions of villages in Nghĩa Phương commune gathered at Đảo Nổi to attend the opening of the festival. After that, the procession from the villages to the temples (Thượng, Trung, Hạ) in the Suối Mỡ relic complex. First, there is a ceremony at Dùm village communal house and the procession of the tutelary god's ordination and tablet to Suối temple. The procession passes through Cây Xanh temple and then to Hạ temple. At the same time, Quỷnh village also took the procession from Quỷnh communal house west of Suối Mỡ, through Hàn Lâm village to Trung temple to hold the ceremony. When the procession arrives at Hạ Temple, the offerings are made. Palanquin processions were previously led by virgins, or young ladies. The male and female Mandarin worship teams, as well as the villagers, lead the procession of palanquins with hammocks, floats, parasols, regalia, and other elaborately decorated outfits. The highlight of the Suối Mỡ temple festival is the ritual of singing literature and worshiping the saints of the villages. The festival has many folk games such as pounding day cake, archery competition, traditional martial arts performances, blindfolded pot smashing, chess, checkers, etc.

The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.

Viet Nam 2008

Lệ Mật village festival dates back to the Lý Dynasty and is held from the 21st to 23rd of the third lunar month every year. The village's Tutelary god is Hoàng Đức Trung who, according to legend, was able to find the body of the Lý Dynasty princess on the Thiên Đức River and was allowed by the king to take people from Lệ Mật across the Red River, to reclaim land, and establish "Thirteen Camps". ” in the west of Thăng Long Citadel. The ritual includes water procession, literary procession, and incense offering ceremony of 13 villages and 19 families. The uniqueness of the festival is reflected in three activities: the first one is Fishing Ceremony (fishing at Ngọc well): village boys get into boats, throw nets to catch fish at Ngọc well. Catching a lot of fish and fish with yellow or red dots on their scales is good luck for the village. The second is Giao Long extermination performance, snake extermination dance. A beautiful girl plays the role of a princess, a young man plays the role of a young man whoes surname is Hoàng, wearing red clothes, a black hat, holding a sword to fight and cut off Giao Long's head (5 young men wearing woven models). bamboo frame, outside covered with fabric decorated with snake patterns) amid the encouragement and applause of the drums, the octagonal orchestra and the cheers of the people. The third is Welcoming ceremony for "Thirteen Camps" - Kinh Quán. At the village gate, an elderly man from Lệ Mật village stood dancing with the flag and villagers lined up to welcome the Kinh Quán delegations returning to their hometown to attend the festival. According to tradition, the celebrant is a Lệ Mật person; Vạn Phúc, read the wishes; Nam Hào is the Western singer; Giảng Võ is Eastern chant; The three camps, Vạn Phúc, Kim Mã, and Thủ Lệ, are offerings.

Held from August 15 to 17 at Ong Thuy General's mausoleum to commemorate the merits of "Mr" fish - the god who patronizes fisheries and marine occupations in general. On the 16th, at Lang Ong, a procession was held to process the South Sea General's palanquin onto the dragon boat to the sea. Along with the dragon boat carrying the water general, there were hundreds of large and small boats, splendidly decorated, with colorful flags and flowers accompanying him to the sea to welcome him. In front of the boat are incense and offering trays. On these large and small boats, there are thousands of tourists and relatives participating in the procession. When the Spirit is brought into the mausoleum, the ceremonies of praying for peace, building adoration of the great boi, and singing boi take place at the mausoleum of Mr. Thuy General. On the 17th, there was a ceremony to honor the king of Thuy Prime by ordination. The worshiping ceremony includes singing.

According to the Thu Lao people's concept, the forest is the dwelling place of the gods, so the sacred forest is protected and cared for very carefully by the people. The forest worship ritual is a ritual to worship the gods residing in the sacred forest, praying for peace in the village, health and solidarity of the villagers, growth of crops and livestock, and bountiful harvests. The forest worship ritual takes place twice a year in the spring and summer at the base of the mother tree - the wife forest god and the base of the father tree - the husband forest god. The men participating in the worshiping ritual are representatives of each family. The offerings include chicken, pig, fabric, wine, incense. The main shaman and the assistant shaman represent the villagers to present the offerings and perform rituals with the gods. After the ritual, the villagers can enjoy: stilts, spinning tops, chicken badminton, round ball, swallow fighting... The forest worship ritual partly reflects the close relationship and connection between forest - water - land to ensure the life of each ethnic group; indigenous knowledge is in harmony with the environment.