As Bhutan remained under self-imposed isolation for several centuries, modern economic development made its way to this country very much later than in many other countries. Agriculture is still the main source of livelihood for a large majority of the population. More than sixty percent of the people still live in rural villages tilling their land and raising livestock. Farmers generally use traditional methods of farming and homemade tools, but increasing numbers are beginning to use modern technology appropriate to their individual farming needs. Bhutanese farmers grow nine basic varieties of cereal grains – wheat, barley, paddy, maize, bitter buckwheat, sweet buckwheat, pulse, foxtail millet, and finger millet. These are grown at different places and times, depending upon the altitude and season. The most dominant crop is rice followed by maize and wheat. Due to the introduction of new farming technologies and growth in market opportunities, farmers are venturing into commercial crops such as oranges, apples, cardamoms and potatoes. Commercial gardening of chilly, cabbage, cauliflower, tomato, and asparagus is also undertaken nowadays. Traditionally, when farming works are due, a suitable day is sought from the village astrologer for ploughing and sowing of seeds. Days coinciding with animal signs such as Ox, Tiger, and Sheep are avoided when oxen are used in the fields. Similarly, days bearing the signs of Rat, Rooster, and Pig are avoided for sowing seeds. Nevertheless, farmers generally stick to the throejor\u0002throechen and throechung, which are combinations of two of the five elements according to astrology. Every farmer aspires for a good harvest in any season. Therefore, the very first step is to gather stubble and twigs, which are then burnt in the field. Thereafter, manure is collected from cowsheds and scattered in the fields. The farmlands are ploughed with the help of a pair of male animals – oxen or yaks yoked together. In the eastern region, two men are required to guide the oxen with one at the yoke and the other holding the plough. In order to encourage the animals, some farmers sing inspirational songs called Lang ke or Lang kor. Please come, my Dongkar, Listen, with your golden ear, Concentrate your mind. Please come, my Yangcha, Even if my voice is not soft as wool, Prove that you are as strong as iron. Come on, my Dongkar, The breakfast that we have eaten this morning, It is vanishing as the sun passes the midpoint. Come on, my Yangcha, Without having worked ahead, It is hard to leave the results behind. Come; turn on, my Dongkar, The time has come for the sun to set behind the mountains, You have to complete one more round of work. Come; turn on, my Yangcha, After successful completion of one more round, The repressing yoke will be removed from your neck. Maize is the first crop to be sowed, right after the New Year celebrations. It is followed by paddy and other crops depending upon the elevation of the land. The maize seeds are thrown directly into the hollows of the soil as the ploughing is in progress. Unlike other crops, rice involves several cycles of attention and is the most tedious of all crops for cultivation, requiring constant irrigation and frequent weeding. Seeds are sown in separate nurseries in early spring and seedlings are transplanted during the monsoon season. Both maize and rice are harvested between September and October. While harvesting the paddy, a beautiful song seeking high production is sung as follows: Please shower, shower with prosperity! The white-headed mother of prosperity, Please bring productivity and your first offering. Please shower, shower with prosperity! The yellow-headed mother of prosperity, Please bring productivity and your first offering. Please shower, shower with prosperity! The red-headed mother of prosperity, Please bring productivity and your first offering. Please shower, shower with prosperity! The green-headed mother of prosperity, Please bring productivity and your first offering.

Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp was born naturally, associated with the rhythm of life of the river and canal community, the open-minded, liberal character of the people, who love literature, singing, and rhymes in the Dong Thap Muoi region. Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp developed in 3 main stages: From the beginning of the 19th century to 1945, Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp was formed, absorbing the unique artistic elements of lullabies; In the period of 1945-1954, the singing melodies all had content supporting the resistance, commonly called Ho Resistance; In the period of 1954-1960, Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp on the North left strong emotions in the hearts of listeners. Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp is a type of singing on the water, the melody clearly expresses the thoughts and feelings of the people. The singing is slow, loose, the rhythm is fast and slow, high and low in 3 ranges: Low-medium-high. In the lyrics, this word, that word often appears as connecting musical lines. The unique feature of Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp that no other folk songs have is the melody of the songs with a "high and low" melody. The musical art has a strong lyrical and profound character. In daily life and work activities such as rowing boats, planting rice... are favorable environments to create conditions for the emergence, existence and development of folk songs. Literary art uses the song that luc bat poetry form. When converting poetry into folk songs, they often insert the words "...ơ...ơ..." or "...ơ... hoa ơ..." into the verse to add breath, momentum, pause, and resonate. With its unique values, Hò Folk Singing of Đồng Tháp were recognized as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage - a folk performing art form, in 2018.

Kharphu (The White God Ritual) is celebrated every year on fourth month of Bhutanese calendar. Though meaning of Kharphu cannot be stated clearly but village older bearer believes Kharphu means “white god ritual” where no animal sacrifices are made. There are two types of Kharphu namely Gudpa (Extended) and Chunku (Abridged) which are observed consecutively every year. During a larger kharphu, dish called pan is prepared and served, and is observed for 3 days, while in smaller Kharphu pan (Wild betel leave fried) serving is skipped and is observed for two days. The origin of Kharphu and its story is has been transmitted verbally from generation to generation. Ex.Tshogpa Lhalungla is a descendent of one of the host family, he shared that as per the story he received from the older people of village that when the people settled in Chali as per their karmic action, during those days no matter how much they work, the grains and cereals were not enough to feed their family, food they eat didn’t contain nutrition, cloth they wear don’t provide the warmth, even they can’t sleep soundly. Then people gathered to discuss over it. During meeting one the villager pointed out that we don’t have a god to guide and protect us, and this may be the reason we have been suffering. Then all the villagers agreed that then need a god. Among them there was a man named Sherub, who is farsighted, knowledgeable and reliable man. Then villagers insisted him to go and receive god. He denied, saying he is incapable for this task. He said this task can be only accomplished by Gomchen phawang (Bat). Then sherub went in all the direction in search of bat but met with gods of four directions but couldn’t find bat. Then one of the god from four direction prophesied that bet is inside their village only, inside a cave call Asi-kaure draphy (cave) which shadow falls in water and water splashes on the walls of cave. And this place is believed to be located at the bottom of Kongla bra (Kongla cliff) at the end of Chali and still there are many bats in it. Bat was brought to the village and at first, bat also denied the villagers request but towards end of the day bat accepted but he said gift has to be taken for sons and daughters of god. For sons they arranged three armful of arrows and for daughters three Urka (Lether sack) full of Bakur (square shaped bamboo container). Then, bat made his journey towards north. After a long journey bat reached Tsampa, place believed to be located in Tibet, where god Gung-Lha-Lhapsang Gyelpo resides. Finally he could meet the god and shared his reason for visit. God criticize him about his face, legs and wings, so, he can return him alone, but he changed every criticism in positive way by saying “my rat like face is to sing a song for god father and mother, my skinny leg is to perform dance in front of god father and mother, my lathery wings is to fan your god father and mother. Bad couldn’t send back with all the means and strategies of god, finally promised to send one of his children. Gunglha lhapsang Gelpo has four daughter and four sons. He told to send one the daughter to god mother and she said to god to send one of his son. God father and mother had a very hot discussion over it. And they decided to roll a die, and god father lose the game and had to send his son along with bat to bless Chalipas (Residents of Chali). Here at Chali goat was received by Sherub along with the villagers. Since then Sherub was known as Bonpo pa Sherub, since it was a Bon Lha (God of Bon religion).And his descendent has to perform Bonpo Wanboo (Shaman). And Bonpodpa Sherub became host along with another rich household. And currently there is four household descendent holding as host during Kharphu. But, with passing time and generation Bonpodpa Sherub’s descendent couldn’t shoulder the responsibilities of Wanbu and is appointed one of the interested and capable people from their village. There is no as such rule to appoint Wanbu. There is unique lyric and tune from journey of god’s son of including all the places where till Chali, different household visiting household lyrics and blessing, farewell lyric and unique tones.

Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.

China 2010

The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks is an age-old craft for the construction of ocean-going vessels with watertight compartments in South China’s Fujian Province. The vessels are made mainly of camphor, pine and fir timber, and assembled through use of traditional carpenters’ tools. They are built by applying the key technologies of rabbet-jointing planks together and caulking the seams between the planks with ramie, lime and tung oil. A master craftsman designs and directs the whole process. A large number of craftsmen work in close coordination to build solidly rabbeted ocean-going vessels consisting of multiple independently watertight cabins. The core technology for building such vessels is called The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks. Watertight bulkheads are the most important step in building Chinese junks. To start with, the craftsmen build an integral hull by joining the vessel’s bilge and sides. The hull is then divided into cabins according to the function and size of the ship. The whole process is manual. Planks are rabbet-jointed together. And then interlocked to the bilge and on to frames or held with crampons. Ramie fibber, lime and tung oil are mixed in the proper proportion to wedge into any gaps between planks and make the cabins waterproof. The tools are largely those used by traditional Chinese carpenters, such as axes, carpenter’s ink markers, hand drills, rulers, maces, pit saws, chisels and planers. Chinese junks are subdivided into multiple watertight cabins. If in the course of navigation one or two cabins are accidentally damaged, seawater will not flood other cabins. The vessel will not sink, but remain afloat. This greatly improves navigation safety. This technology has been widely used over the centuries in fishing vessels, cargo ships, warships, and diplomatic vessels. In particular, Fujian’s ocean-going cargo ships sailing along the Maritime Silk Road during the Song and Yuan dynasties, and the fleets commanded by Ming Dynasty navigator Zheng He in his seven voyages to the West, fully adopted this technology. The technology has served as a bridge and unifier in the exchange between Eastern and Western civilizations. In the late 18th century this technology was finally adopted in the West. Since then Watertight bulkheads have become an important structural element in modern ship design, remain so today and have greatly enhanced navigation safety.

China 2010

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Geumsok Hwaljajang refers to the skill of making metal printing type and printing books with it, or to an artisan with such a skill. The world’s first metal printing type was made during the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394). A reprinted version of a book Nammyeong Cheon hwasangsong jeungdoga (Song of Enlightenment with Commentaries by Buddhist Monk Nammyeong) printed with metal type in Gaegyeong after the Goryeo Dynasty relocated the capital to Ganghwado in 1232 (the 19th year of the reign of King Gojong) is still extant. The printing of Sangjeong yemun (Detailed and Authentic Codes of Ritual and Etiquette) with metal type tells us that the skill had developed earlier. During the Joseon Period (1392 – 1910), metal printing type was improved, with the central government offices playing a leading role. In Korea, metal type was made with a forging technique. The production process is composed of four stages, cutting out letter patterns, making prototypes, forging and finishing. There are two kinds of metal type production, depending on forging techniques used. These are lost-wax casting, which was chiefly used at the beginning, and sand casting, which was commonly used after the introduction of Chojugabinja which was the first metal type, during the reign of King Sejong in 1434. Metal printing type is a work of comprehensive art made with a combination of many diverse skills and techniques that display the ingenuity of Koreans.

The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Farm music performed when farmers are working while helping each other, by forming a cooperative farming team, in a broad sense, refers to music performed when people march, work, hold ceremonies, and enjoy games while beating small gongs, gongs, hourglass drums, and drums. Pyeongtaek has broad fields brimming with farm products called Sosaet, which has become an important foundation of Pyeongtaek Nongak. In addition, Cheongnyongsa Temple close to Pyeongtaek was a stronghold of Sadangpae where farm music made considerable progress. Thus, Pyeongtaek Nongak has the characteristics of geollippae (fund-raising troupe) Nongak as well as Durae Nongak. Small gongs, gongs, hourglass drums, drums, and Buddhist drums are used in farm music. The music team is composed of flagmen, buglers, lead gong player, other gong players, hourglass drum players, kids, jungae, and nobelmen. The number of gongs and drums in Pyeongtaek Nongak is less than that in other regions. There is no distinction between small drum and Buddhist drum. The tone is clear and is characterized by song gut. Besides, its “Gilgunakchilchae” is seen only in Gyeonggi-do Farm Music.

South Korea 2014

The Bana people call epics "Homon", a type of epic born at the end of the primitive communal period, reflecting the history, society, indigenous knowledge, thoughts, and aspirations of the community. It is an epic song, a panorama of the past, which explains natural and social phenomena such as the formation of heaven and earth and humans, recreates wars, and describes customs and traditions of ethnics. In particular, the central theme throughout revolves around national heroes and cultural heroes of the community. Each Hơmon Epic Singing work recreates the three tasks of the hero: getting married, working in production, and fighting the enemy. Each task is not separate but linked and has a cause-and-effect relationship with each other: getting a wife, stealing a wife, and regaining a wife means enhancing strength, prestige, expanding territory, winning people's hearts, income, increasing production, creating wealth, food, gather warriors, fight to protect the village. Hơmon Epic Singing is performed by artisans in the evening, next to the fire of the communal house's fire. They can lie down or sit to sing about the characters in front of the audience. A singing session can last many nights, so Hơmon artists not only know the songs but also have to have good health, good voice, and endurance.

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

Inscribed in 2016 (11.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju Island, off the southern coast of mainland Korea, is a volcanic island with a population of about 600,000 people. Some landforms of the island were inscribed on the List of World Heritage in 2007. An average Jeju haenyeo holds her breath for one minute while diving ten- meter underwater to gather marine products. When a haenyeo exhales after each dive, she makes a unique sound called "sumbi-sori." A haenyeo works for six to seven hours a day in summer and four to five hours in winter. She dives about ninety days a year. The income generated from diving work significantly contributes to Jeju households. A Jeju haenyeo has her own mental map of the sea, including the location of reefs and the habitat for shellfish. She also has a command of local knowledge on the winds and tides. The maps and knowledge are acquired through repeated diving experience by each haenyeo. Most Jeju haenyeo rely upon upper-skilled haenyeo’s (sanggun) weather forecast for diving rather than listening to the official forecasts. Jeju haenyeo communities practice a shamanistic ritual for the goddess of the sea (jamsugut). The ritual includes prayers for safety at sea and an abundant catch. The ritual has a part for the haenyeo to sing a song called “Seoujet-Sori.” “Haenyeo Norae” (Haenyeo Song), which used to be sung while rowing their boat out to the sea for diving, has been an important part of Jeju haenyeo culture.

South Korea 2016

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Najeonjang, or mother-of-pearl inlaying, is a Korean traditional method of decorating the surface of diverse household objects by lacquering and inlaying them with strips of mother-of-pearl. This traditional handicraft is known to have originated from Tang China, but discoveries made at many archaeological sites related with ancient Korean kingdoms prove that Korea has a long tradition of the craft and that ancient Korean people exploited it profusely to produce all kinds of everyday household objects. To produce a lacquer work inlaid with a mother-of-pearl design, the artisan needs to make a “white frame” with wood first of all. He then lacquers its surface and decorates it by inlaying carefully prepared strips of mother-of-pearl, some of which are as thin as threads, on a prearranged pattern by using the techniques of kkeuneumjil and jureumjil. Each of the individual work processes is completed with a stage of grinding, lacquering, and polishing the surface. In the Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, the most favored designs included peony blossoms, chrysanthemums, and lotus flowers. Designs became more diverse during the mid-Joseon Period as artisans began to extend their interest to flowers with birds, white cranes, grapes, apricot flowers, and the Four Gracious Plants. The traditional technique of inlaying mother-of-pearl is a time-consuming process that is currently preserved by, among others, two government-designated artisans, Song Bang-ung and Yi Hyeong-man.