The National Institute of Folk & Traditional Heritage, popularly known as Lok Virsa, was established by the government of Pakistan in 1974 with a mandate to collect, document, preserve, and disseminate Pakistan’s tangible and intangible cultural heritage.

Among the many ethnic and linguist groups spread throughout Pakistan is the Pakhtun tribe of the Yousafzais, who live in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and across the Durand Line in Afghanistan. The Yousafzais are further divided into various khels (clans) and families. One is the Khawja Markhel in the village of Sumbatchan in the picturesque valley of Upper Swat, an idyllic place in the foothills of the Hindu Kush Range. The fiercely patriarchal society is organized under Pakhtunwali, an ancient tribal honor code; the ancient social institutions of the Hujra and Gudoor, men’s and women’s social spaces; Jirga system, a council of elders; and ashar, collective reciprocal labor.

In 2013, the UNESCO Office in Bangkok, in collaboration with the Islamabad, Hanoi, Apia, and Tashkent offices, undertook a project to experiment how intangible cultural heritage (ICH) could be used as part of a pedagogical approach to raise awareness about sustainable development. Activities, implemented thanks to the generous support of the Japanese government, were framed around the themes of the Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014). The pilot project produced guidelines and sample lesson plans for teachers to guide them into developing educational materials grounded in local knowledge and practices. Seventeen schools in four countries—Pakistan, Palau, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam— participated in the pilot. The emphasis was not on teaching pure cultural content, but rather on using ICH as a vehicle to enrich the teaching of existing school subjects.

Listed on the UNESCO Register of Good Safeguarding Practices, the Oselvar boat was resurrected from near-extinction when the Os Båtbyggjarlag Boat-Builders Guild, Os municipality, and Hordaland County founded the non-profit boatyard and workshop foundation Oselvarverkstaden in 1997 with the support of the Arts Council Norway. The Oselvar boat used to be western Norway’s main mode of transportation and, as predominantly known, it is a Norwegian cultural icon that symbolizes the kingdom’s leisure craft. On the other hand, Costa Rica’s carreta or traditional oxcart is the Central American country’s most famous craft. Inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008 (though originally proclaimed in 2005), the traditional oxcart used to transport coffee beans in a ten-to-fifteen-day journey, from Costa Rica’s central valley over the mountains to Puntaneras on the Pacific coast. As a mode of transport, it lingers on a mobility that is built around agriculture, transcending a cultural aesthetics informed by rural imaginary. The presence alone of carreta is an explicit call to end deforestation and be much more mindful about climate change. The Oselvar boat of Norway and Costa Rica’s traditional oxcart are two living examples of the creative union between transportation and craft so that we may see public transportation as a cultural understanding of intangible heritage.\n\nThe South Asian nation of Pakistan, with its twenty-six national highways and three strategic highways, does not shy away from parading the abundance and importance of ICH in public roads. Pakistan’s truck art, the largest art industry in the country, is a living construction of identity by making visible a host of cultural signifiers, from religious piety to popular imagination. Albeit there is no economic benefit from decorating a truck, and even though such undertaking costs at least a whooping USD 2000 back in 2011, it has been the norm, according to Jamal J. Elias, for fleet owners to have their trucks decorated. Since 96% of the freight in Pakistan is carried by trucks, one can easily imagine the widespread presence of truck art. Focusing on the art in the craft of vehicular decoration, as well as on pleasure, protection, and suffering experienced by truck drivers, Anna Schmid contends that truck art is a form of popular culture in which central societal assumptions and values are contested in that truck art, by the very process of putting it in the public sphere, puts social mobility in a terrain bounded by semiotics or the study of signs and how these signs meaningfully interact with each other in religious, political, and cultural terms. Schmid draws truck construction by highlighting the specialized craftsmen principally responsible for it: blacksmiths (who attach a steel skeleton to the chassis to hold the body and the driver’s cabin), the body makers (who create the body composed of wooden pine slats held together by metal and wooden cross-pieces), lacquerers (who spray paint the body), upholsterers (who install the seat of the cabin), and the painters (who apply motifs and other necessary decorations).\n\nUnsuspecting the ethnic diversity of Pakistani society, on the basis of categorical decorative motifs such as explicit religious symbols and images, talismanic and fetish objects, talismanically or religiously loaded symbols, idealized elements of life, elements from modern life, the non-religious calligraphic program of the truck, Jamal J. Elias, a scholar who thoroughly examined the typologies and evolution of truck art and proposed five regional styles of truck art: Punjabi, Swati, Peshawar, Baluchi, and Karachi styles.\n\nTruck art is an exemplary case to theorize that the process of understanding ICH is a public work, a work that compels mediation and collective valuation. Something that transforms personal sentiments into public feelings. And what’s more interesting about the truck art of Pakistan, other than it being an industry of its own, is its direct connection to transportation—that a vessel practically meant to transport a commodity from one place to another actually carries something more than what it does, and it does beyond time and place, connecting cities and regions that ultimately become unknowable large-scale social processes. Indeed, when a symbol travels, its meaning exponentially multiplies.\n\nPhoto : Truck art ⓒ B.B.P. Hosmillo

Bangladesh is rich in intangible cultural heritage in all the five domains outlined in the 2003 ICH Convention namely oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, and festive events, knowledge about nature and the universe and traditional craftmanship.Four elements are inscribed in the UNESCO representative list and two applications are submitted in 2019. The Ministry of Cultural Affairs has a list with literature of 54 elementsunder the 5 ICH domains, while researchers identified 123 elements. Comprehensive inventorying of living heritages is under process with the Government. Bangladesh, by ratifying 2003 Convention, assumes its obligation of safeguarding these elements of ICH. Among the elements, some are sustainable for the economic output of the objects associated with the elements. Others remain vulnerable for change in lifestyle, knowledge pattern, social and economic advancement, science and technology. Require safeguardfor sustainable development that includes transmission of the ICH elements for generations.

Those familiar with Pakistan’s history can easily appreciate the range and variety of its hand-made textiles and the sight of a humble villager using them as everyday wear. The cloth weaving and dying tradition from the Indus Valley that originated roughly five thousand years ago has continued throughout the Middle Ages and has received a tremendous boost of encouragement with the onset of new technological developments and the introduction of new motifs while under Muslim rule.

Music occupies a significant position as intangible cultural heritage. In fact, 56 out of 470 cultural practices and expressions on the UNESCO Lists from 2008 to 2017 can be categorized as music; it should be noted as well that many elements on the Lists are performed with musical accompaniment, such as folk dances and traditional games. Music has helped generations circulate traditional knowledge not only for continuity but also for social cohesion and intergenerational solidarity.\n\nThe power of music lies on its capacity to enthrall, connect people, and emphasize—from a sense of shared belonging and repetitive participation—a community or a group of people not to be mistaken as homogenous but rather compelled by various thoughts and inclined to music-related activities for different purposes. This is particularly true for the Leif Larsen Music Centre, one of the flagship programs of Ciqam, a project of the Aga Khan Cultural Services Pakistan. Ciqam (a Burushaski word meaning “prosperity”) was established in Hunza district to provide income-generating opportunities to empower people, more specifically women and the youth, in Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral, the northern region of Pakistan. Formerly known as Community Music Centre, Leif Larsen Music Centre is named after a Norwegian ambassador, Leif Holger Larsen, who was supposed to visit the facility in May 2015, but regrettably the plane he was boarded on crashed on the way. He was a key figure in the process of realizing the initiative.\n\nAt present, there are thirty-five musicians at the Centre; twelve are considered the core team or those whose knowledge on music from the region is sufficient to train others; all of them are young people. Two common attributes among the young musicians are (1) their interest in producing and disseminating local music culture and (2) their experience of economic marginalization. While the Centre provides free informal music education, and through that and other related activities safeguards intangible cultural heritage, it also supports the musicians’ annual tuition fees in their respective formal school, books, and uniform. The Centre’s humanitarian aim, particularly to find ways for people in this region to overcome poverty and gain livelihoods, is strongly commendable because at the same time central to it is valuation of heritage.\n\nUnlike in other postcolonial countries, music in Pakistan remains to be resistant to Western influences. People generally appreciate locally produced music, nostalgic songs that find their roots in the time and imagination before the rupture of the Indian subcontinent, i.e. separation of India and Pakistan. This strong enthusiasm for the local is reflected in the kind of music created and transmitted at the Leif Larsen Music Centre. Through the efforts of women working at Ciqam, they produce their own traditional musical instruments such as rubab, sitar, chaarda, zigini, tumbak, and daf. Furthermore, their musicians’ repertoire is based on local languages such as Burushaski, Wakhi, Shina, Khuwar, and Balti. This is meaningful in terms of symbolically enabling the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral, considering that their safeguarding efforts are situated in a challenging time. Nevertheless, the musicians and cultural managers at the Centre and largely at Ciqam continuously work in pursuit of gender equality, affirmative action, and poverty alleviation. Their laudable grassroots effort is a strong testament to the possibility of intangible cultural heritage as a vehicle for sustainable development.\n\nTo connect with the Leif Larsen Music Centre, please contact Aqeela Bano, Manager of Ciqam, at +92 3445 001234 or +92 5813 457345 or via e-mail (aqeela.bano@ciqam.com.pk).\n\nPhoto : CONTRIBUTED BY B.B.P. HOSMILLO

Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, is the most populated city in the country. It is also one of the most populated cities in the world with a density of 23,234 people per square kilometer within a total area of 300 square kilometers. The Greater Dhaka Area has a population of over 18 million as of 2016 (World Population Review, 2017). According to the UN World Urbanization Prospects (2014), the population of Dhaka was only 336,000 in 1950. Dhaka has always been a center of cultural vibrancy and has a long history and tradition of both tangible and intangible cultural heritage. The cultural vibrancy and heritage that have given glory to Dhaka for centuries often get buried under different modern-day civic problems. As an ever-expanding mega city, Dhaka is losing its cultural spaces to religious and ruling coteries. Many of the city’s prime spaces are now earmarked for various public and private business, commercial, or military purposes. The situation was not so deplorable even during the Pakistan era from 1947 to 1971.

Sixty-six years ago when Bangladesh was known as East Pakistan, on 21 February 1952, Bengali students marched in the streets of Dhaka to strongly resent the refusal of the then government of the Dominion of Pakistan (now the Islamic Republic of Pakistan) to ordain Bengali language as one of the national languages of the country that was once shared by Pakistan and Bangladesh. Some lives were violently taken that day when the Pakistani police forces opened fire on the students. What followed after that were prayers, gunshots, more protests—a blood-slapped history of claiming language.\n\nThe resistance of those who contributed to the Bengali Language Movement (1947-1971) can be traced back to the roles language played in ethnic politics and the politics of social class. After Pakistan’s separation from India, which was fundamentally incited by religion, the concept and practice of religion was deeply connected to political agenda. Hence, when there was an insistence from Urdu-speaking elites that Bengali language was based on Hinduism, Pakistan, which was a country established and perceived to be based upon Islam, was not interested at all to recognize Bengali language as a national language, as a language that could purely represent the dreams of an Islamic country. In addition, the resistance, as we look back into it, Bengali language was the instrument people used to determine themselves in a belligerently complex situation; it made imagining a national culture an urgent action. It is in such moment that we see the iconic significance of language to liberate.\n\nNational language, mother tongue are often keywords in postcolonial studies. But they are certainly more than letters and utterances in countries that were colonized, stolen, and destroyed; they are songs and beings and memories; they allow the deepest in us to be heard; they help all of us to recognize that we are different from each other and yet we can talk based on understanding and recognition.\n\nThe Bengali Language Movement was the driving force behind UNESCO’s 1999 declaration that 21 February be regarded as International Mother Language Day. Through this declaration, UNESCO purports the ethnolinguistic rights of everyone in the world, our inalienable gift to speak our own tongue. Implicit in the declaration is the hope to see people celebrating one’s culture and at the same time learning the cultural traditions of others throughout the world.\n\nTo recognize the importance of International Mother Language Day, the Korean National Commission for UNESCO and the Embassy of Bangladesh in South Korea will hold the 2018 International Mother Language Day Memorial Forum in Seoul on 21 February from 16:00 to 19:00 KST. Around eighty participants, including diplomat officers, language scholars, and experts are expected to come to the Memorial Forum. The forum will include a reading of UNESCO Director-General’s celebration message, a keynote speech by Professor Keshab Adhikary, and discussions. Closing the forum will be Korean, Bangladeshi, the Philippine, and Nepalese musical performances as well as a Bangladeshi halal dinner.

The 2019 Sub-Regional Meeting for Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding in South Asia: ICH in Education: Towards Joint Collaboration for Promoting ICH in Formal and Non-Formal Education jointly organized by ICHCAP and UNESCO Dhaka Office, was held from 24 to 26 June 2019 in Dhaka, Bangladesh.\n\nThis report is composed of nineteen presentation papers delivered at the meeting by national representatives, NGOs, and UNESCO Offices in Bangkok and Dhaka. In addition, the outcome document of the meeting is also affixed to put it on record the adopted recommendations of the participants in moving forward together.

Kutch is the largest district located in the western state of Gujarat, India. It is home to several distinct traditional crafts, communities, and indigenous knowledge systems. It is often known as the melting point of numerous diverse cultures, heritage, and rich traditions.\n\nOne of the most unique pastoral communities found in Kutch is the Fakirani Jats. It is one of the four subgroups of the Jat community found across the region’s grasslands. The other three communities are the Hajiyani Jats, Daneta Jats, and Garasiya Jats. The pastoral communities including Fakirani Jats are commonly referred to as Maldharis (maal refers to cattle and dharis who keep these animals). The Fakirani Jats are a pastoral community by occupation, and they move throughout the year with herds of camels and buffaloes as part of their nomadic lifestyle. However, they are gradually establishing their roots in and around Lakhpat, the last civilian point of Kutch, bordering Pakistan.\n\nThe Fakirani Jats are a camel-breeding community and share a special relationship with camels. The camels are an indigenous breed known as kharai that are found only in Gujarat and 40 percent of them are in Kutch. The kharai camels are a unique breed that feeds on the mangrove forests and swim across the ocean for hours. The men of the community can be seen accompanying the kharai camels to the mangrove forests in the Gulf of Kutch and travel with them for around eight to nine months in a year. The camels feed on a typical vegetation grown in the mangroves called cheriya in the local language. The mangroves play an important role in preserving the ecosystem and are the main source of livelihood for many camel breeders of Kutch.\n\nThe community’s survival largely depends on its camels and buffaloes. The Fakirani Jats worship camels and never believed in the commercialization of camel products. They have traditionally depended on buffalo milk only as the means for sustenance however with changes in their lifestyle, many have also started selling camel milk for their livelihood.\n\nToday, the community faces numerous challenges at every level. The increasing industrialization along the coast has affected the mangroves and the grazing routes. This has impacted the lives of the camels and the Fakkirani Jats. In addition, the decreasing number of camels in Kutch is another issue. According to an article, the number of kharai camels has dwindled from 2,200 camels in 2013 to 1,800 in 2018.1. All these are causes of concern for a huge number of communities dependent on the kharai camels. However, a ray of hope has come from several organizations supporting their communities with livelihood opportunities by creating and strengthening unique initiatives to prioritize the needs of the community and keeping alive the existence of an integrated human culture ecosystem in Kutch.\n\nThe author would like to thank the Fakirani Jat community along with Mustak Mustafa for the valuable information provided by them.\n\nPhoto 1~5 : Fakrirani Jats © Rauf Mutva

Kutch is a frontier district in the state of Gujarat, India, situated near the border of India and Pakistan. It is surrounded by Great and Little Rann of Kutch on the North, South and East and the Arabian Sea on the West. In the beginning of the twelfth century, Kutch was ruled by Chavda, Sama, Sanghar, Kathi and Solanki dynasties. Banni grasslands of Kutch, comprising of around 3000 sq.km area, is one of the biggest grasslands of Asia. This grassland acts as breeding and nesting ground for more than 250 bird species, including resident, winter migratory birds.\n\nGujharat is a culturally significant and unique oral tradition of the maldharis or pastoralist community of Banni grasslands in Kutch, which are folk riddles spoken in Sindhi language and are based on the seven traditional folk tales of Sindhi literature. These riddles include descriptions of the local flora and fauna, various elements of the surrounding landscape such as water, grasses, mountains, land etc, and also words related to activities associated with animal breeding. It originated around 1010AD and was practiced widely during the Sumra dynasty.\n\nGujharat is spoken in a poetic form and hides within itself a hidden words or paya or thip. When a maldhari composes a gujharat, he hides within it at least 2 to 10 payas. In order to decode a gujharat, the audience has to first guess the hidden words. The coded word is generally a common noun such as animal, man, woman, city, soil, wood, water etc. and the aim is to decode the proper noun for that common noun. Once the audience finds the hidden words, they have to start naming all the words related to that particular paya (common noun). Both wit and linguistic skill of the maldharis is tested while decoding the gujharat. Once the noun has been decoded, the narrator of the Gujharat concedes defeat and cries mari vai which means the gujharat is now dead. He then decodes the entire message in the poetic form. This poetic explanation of the Gujharat is called Sail.\n\nThe hidden meaning in a Gujharat is called Jhorni. Once the riddle has been broken, the one who narrated the gujharat speaks jhorni in a poetic form. Jhorni has to be spoken in a specific tone so that the sentiments and emotions of the Gujharat are conveyed to the audience.\n\nTraditionally, the maldharis or pastoralists of Banni grasslands would spend their evenings in the choupals (public gathering areas) and have sessions of performing gujharat, while the audience would have fun by decoding them. When the maldharis would gather while their cattle herds grazed in the grasslands at night, the gujharat sessions would go on all night long, with all the villagers participating enthusiastically. Rehan is a place of public gathering where male members of the community would originally gather to conduct Gujharat sessions. Nowadays, such gatherings also take place in Otaq, a room for male guests located adjunct to the main household. Special Mach Kacheri, a performing session of Gujharat is often organized in the Otaq. Mach Kacheri is also organized around a bonfire on a wintery night in open spaces in the village or forest. Maldharis often organize picnics called tola in the forest as well as near tad or sources of water, where singing of Sufi Kalam along with Gujharat takes place.\n\nGujharat are a unique oral tradition in the sense that they are one of a kind in the world. The whole process of constructing and solving the riddles is, in itself, a means of recreation and entertainment for the local pastoralists. However, the original objective of this oral tradition has deeper roots. The main aim of this oral tradition was to educate the local maldharis about the different elements and resources found in the cultural landscape of Sindh. The riddle decoding process would require the audience to speak out all the different names for the natural resources or animals in their region, which would make the riddle interesting while at the same time educate the audience regarding the flora, fauna, traditional knowledge systems and other resources of Banni. Since most of the maldharis did not receive any formal education, the mode of communication had to be oral, and in a way that would be easily accessible and understandable to the general public.\n\nGujharat has immensely helped in oral transmission of Sindhi folk tales to the newer generation. All the various aspects of heritage, be it natural or cultural, have been widely expressed through language, specially through the riddles in Gujharat. Due to intergenerational transmission over the years, gujharats have also been able to preserve oral histories, folk tales and have also recorded significant historical events in the region. The names of any extinct species of birds of animals are also preserved In the memory of the locals, through Gujharat. It is due to this reason that this type of oral tradition is considered unique and one of its kind in the world.\n\nPicture 1: A typical Gujharat Session in Banni © Aanchal Mehta\nPicture 2: Kambh: The traditional pose of sitting for Gujharat session © Aanchal Mehta