Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

#bhutan #bhutantravel #bhutanculture #유네스코아태무형유산센터 #unesco \n\nThe Bhutanese tradition of xylography and printing was begun in the 15th century by Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) and his sons, creating the root of virtues for the wellbeing of both living and dead in the country. Thereafter, the biography of the Terton and his collected works were printed on woodblocks and distributed to his residential monasteries and his patrons both in Bhutan and Tibet.\n\nFollowing the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in Bhutan, the hitherto divided country was united under the main influence of the dual system of governance. Thereafter, the successive abbots of the monastic system and heads of the temporal system and then the successive far-sighted kings of the Wangchuck Dynasty, together with the heads of various other schools of Buddhism have continued to uphold the tradition. Skills training in woodblock making, engraving and printing were facilitated to provide sufficient copies of works on science and crafts, and the biographies and excellent teachings to be distributed to the communities of ordained monks and practitioners, dzongs and temples throughout the country. Therefore, Trashigang in the east, Trongsa in the centre, and Punakha and Paro in the west of the country became popular centres for such activities, until the reign of 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928-1972).\n\nStarting 1970s, however, distribution has entered into a commercial phase, with increasing numbers of scriptural works being offset printed in India and then returned to Bhutan for distribution. At the same time, the interest in and practice of the traditional method of printing on woodblocks have been gradually losing their value among the users. Nowadays, printing machines have been set up in ever increasing numbers countrywide and these can produce, in larger quantities and within a very short time, scriptural volumes and other books that have a clear typeface, and are colourful and pleasing in appearance. On the one hand, this is a clear indication of progress in economic development, but on the other, this has become one of the main reasons for losing the precious heritage of woodblock print, among others.\n\nTransmission method\nIn Bhutan, the transmission of the knowledge and skills related to Xylography printing is usually undertaken by teaching or engaging the interested candidates in the printing process. The process normally requires two persons for better results, but one person alone can also do the job in cases of urgency when there is no one else available to help. The woodblock is first placed flat on a printing bench. The following steps are followed for printing.\n\nFor more information please visit \nhttps://www.ichlinks.com/archive/elements/elementsV.do?nation=BT&page=1&urlAnchor=txt&elementsUid=13874510342886677176&mode=grid&searchText=printing&orderCd=A&countrys=BT

Elegant, joyful, and rooted in everyday village life, Bidu Lensu-Mutin—the White Handkerchief Dance—is one of the most beloved traditional dances in the Suai Loro community of Covalima, Timor-Leste. Performed by young girls with white scarves in hand, the dance is a celebration of welcome, harmony, and feminine grace, passed from mother to daughter over generations.\n\nThe name lensu-mutin comes from the Tetun words for “white handkerchief,” which the dancers carry as they move in coordinated steps and gestures. The origin story, widely shared in oral tradition, speaks of seven girls who danced with white scarves to welcome their community members back from a corn harvest. Their spontaneous joy and coordinated movements captured the spirit of unity and gratitude, and the dance has been cherished ever since.\n\nPerformed during weddings, religious celebrations, community gatherings, and rituals involving sacred houses (uma lulik), Bidu Lensu-Mutin carries layers of meaning. The white scarf symbolizes purity, blessing, and good intentions. Dancers use it to wave, twirl, and gesture in graceful arcs, often moving in circular or serpentine formations that reflect the flowing rhythm of traditional life.\n\nAccompanied by soft babadok drumming and gentle singing in the Tetun-Terik language, the dance creates an atmosphere of warmth and welcome. The songs, often metaphorical, may include blessings for the couple in a wedding, prayers for peace in a community, or expressions of joy and connection. In some versions of the performance, older women sing while the younger girls dance, creating a multigenerational moment of transmission.\n\nLearning the dance happens organically within families and the community. Young girls imitate their older sisters, mothers, and aunts at ceremonies or home gatherings. In recent years, schools have also incorporated the dance into cultural programs and performances, ensuring its continued presence in the lives of younger generations.\n\nWhat sets Bidu Lensu-Mutin apart is its gentle spirit and universal appeal. It does not require elaborate costumes or formal training—just the willingness to move together with grace and intention. The dance represents a form of cultural continuity that is deeply tied to everyday experiences and shared values: welcoming guests, honoring ancestors, and expressing collective joy.\n\nThough still widely practiced in Suai Loro and surrounding communities, cultural leaders recognize the importance of continued teaching and celebration. As modern influences shape young people’s interests and identities, Bidu Lensu-Mutin offers a graceful reminder of the beauty found in tradition and the strength found in unity.

This documentary explores the cultural and spiritual significance of Uma Lulik (Sacred Houses) in Timor-Leste, which serve as powerful symbols of Timorese identity passed down through generations. These sacred houses are often located in high, remote areas—both for protection and to maintain spiritual connection—and are key centers for preserving tangible and intangible cultural heritage, such as sacred water sources, stones, tombs, and rituals.\n\nThe film highlights the distinct architectural features of Uma Lulik, such as the male and female wooden pillars (Ai-rin Mane and Ai-rin Feto), which carry profound cultural meanings. It explains the differences between Uma Lulik and Uma Fukun—supporting clan houses—and Uma To’os, sacred houses used by Timorese communities living in urban areas like Dili.\n\nThrough interviews with cultural custodians like Tiu Eugénio J. Sarmento and Tiu João dos Santos Hohulu, viewers gain insights into construction rituals, traditional ceremonies, and the symbolic meanings embedded in the sacred architecture. These include elaborate community efforts to transport and erect wooden pillars, sacrificial offerings, and spiritual dances that mark the creation of Uma Lulik.\n\nThe video also features the Knua Lulik Hohulu in Fatubessi, a living example of cultural continuity, where traditions are upheld by local leaders through collective roles and ancestral knowledge.\n\nFinally, the documentary emphasizes the efforts of the Government of Timor-Leste, particularly through the Secretary of State for Arts and Culture, to safeguard and promote sacred cultural sites. Through active community engagement and support for traditional practices, these initiatives aim to ensure the intergenerational transmission of cultural memory and identity, while also encouraging cultural tourism.

In the rugged landscapes of Timor-Leste, where dry seasons can stretch long and food insecurity remains a reality for many, the people have long relied on their deep knowledge of wild, resilient crops. Among them is Koto-Tisi—a hard, dark wild bean that offers vital sustenance but must be carefully prepared to remove its natural toxins. What might appear at first glance to be just another seed is, in fact, a symbol of survival, ecological wisdom, and ancestral resilience.\n\nThe bean is typically found growing on hardy, thorny shrubs or climbing vines in semi-wild areas. It is gathered primarily by women, who know when the pods are ready to be picked and how to handle them safely. The challenge lies not in harvesting but in transforming Koto-Tisi into something edible—an intricate cooking process that has been passed down through generations.\n\nPreparation begins with repeated boiling and rinsing, sometimes up to five or six times. Each round helps to leach out the toxic compounds present in the bean. The water must be discarded each time, and the beans carefully watched to ensure that they soften without disintegrating. After boiling, the beans are often sun-dried and stored for later use, to be boiled again before eating or ground into a starchy paste.\n\nThe process is labor-intensive and demands both patience and precision. Elders in the community emphasize that the knowledge of how to process Koto-Tisi is not written in books—it lives in memory, movement, and the rhythms of daily life. To rush the process or ignore the sequence could lead to poisoning. For this reason, children are taught to observe closely, assisting their mothers or grandmothers and gradually learning the delicate balance between danger and nourishment.\n\nIn times of drought, scarcity, or natural disaster, Koto-Tisi becomes a lifeline. Its ability to grow in harsh conditions, with little water or care, makes it a dependable fallback when cultivated crops fail. But it is more than a survival food—it is also a testament to how culture and ecology intertwine. The knowledge required to use it safely reflects a deep respect for the land, a skillset honed through centuries of careful experimentation and oral transmission.\n\nToday, as dietary patterns change and imported food becomes more available, the practice of preparing Koto-Tisi is fading in some areas. But in others, it remains a respected tradition—especially among elders who see it not only as food but as a story, a ritual, and a reminder of community strength in the face of adversity.

Rampai Aceh is a reconstruction of Saman, a traditional performance art of the Gayo tribe of Aceh, Sumatra. The Saman dance which can be traced back to the 13th Century, is a group dance performed by over 10 dancers, who kneel in a row and perform the identical moves in a highly coordinated manner. They clap, slap their chests, thighs, or the floor with their palms, bounce their fingers off each other, gesture with their hands, shaking and twisting their heads from side to side to complex rhythms. The moves express scenes from nature and the daily lives of the Gayo tribe, such as leaves flying in the wind, water buffalo bathing, and ploughing the field.\n\nThe leaders of the performance are called “Penankat”, who sing poetic verses. They are accompanied by drums, rabana and dynamic clapping. The poetic verses sing about a wide range of themes including tradition and development, religion, heroic tales, morals from daily life and love stories, told with wit and satire. Saman represents the communal values of patience, cooperation and helping each other. Saman, which is enjoyed by people of all walks of life, is performed widely at a variety of occasions, including national holidays such Independence Day, religious occasions, welcoming ceremony for honored guests and weddings. However, with rapid urbanization, youth have been leaving for the city, creating problems for the transmission of Saman for the Penankat who are unable to find suitable successors.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An original dance based on the Saman dance, inscribed on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding in 2011\n\nPerformed by Marwar Budaya Dance Atelier\nDirected by Maria Sofia Trimawarsanti\nPhotographed by Maria Sofia Trimawarsanti

This dance is a reconstruction of the masked dance performed in the Drametse region, rearranged for a solo performance. ‘Nga’ means drum, and ‘Cham’ means ‘masked ritual dance’. The Drametse Nga Cham is a dance performed during the Drametse festival to commemorate the great teacher ‘Padmasambhava’, who brought Tibetan Buddhism to Bhutan in the 8th century.\n\nIt is said that Drametse Nga Cham originated from a dance performed by legendary male and female heroes living in the celestial world. Traditionally, it was performed by 10 musicians and 16 male dancers. The dancers wear monk’s robes and wooden masks depicting real or legendary animals, and dance in the temple yard.\n\nDrametse Nga Cham has an important place in the Bhutanese society, with religious and cultural significance. The Bhutanese see this dance as the source of their spiritual strength and a symbol of their national identity. However, there have been challenges in its transmission in recent years, with a decline in the number of practitioners and students.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008\n∙Cham, a type of masked ritual dance\n\nPerformed by Ngawang Tencin\nDirected by Ngawang Tencin

Ca trù is a complex form of sung poetry found in the north of Viet Nam using lyrics written in traditional Vietnamese poetic forms. Ca trù groups comprise three performers: a female singer who uses breathing techniques and vibrato to create unique ornamented sounds, while playing the clappers or striking a wooden box, and two instrumentalists who produce the deep tone of a three-stringed lute and the strong sounds of a praise drum. Some Ca trù performances also include dance. The varied forms of Ca trù fulfill different social purposes, including worship singing, singing for entertainment, singing in royal palaces and competitive singing. Ca trù has fifty-six different musical forms or melodies, each of which is called thể cách. Folk artists transmit the music and poems that comprise Ca trù pieces by oral and technical transmission, formerly, within their family line, but now to any who wish to learn. Ongoing wars and insufficient awareness caused Ca trù to fall into disuse during the twentieth century. Although the artists have made great efforts to transmit the old repertoire to younger generations, Ca trù is still under threat of being lost due to the diminishing number and age of practitioners.

Historically, Margilan was the centre for making atlas and adras – vivid and fine traditional fabrics. Due to the acute need to revive and safeguard traditions at risk of disappearing, the local community came up with an initiative to launch the Crafts Development Centre (CDC) in 2007. The CDC’s goal is to safeguard, develop and promote the method of Uzbek traditional atlas and adras making through innovative training sessions, exhibitions and craft fairs, traditional textile festivals, and the publication of safeguarding materials and manuals. The CDC also promotes the use of natural materials, and supports the transmission of knowledge and skills about nature and the universe and their role in ensuring people’s health and wellbeing.

"Kazakhstan is home to many major local festivals, and the vibrant communities that help these festivals come to fruition are part networks that help promote the festivals. As a result, the local festivals have turned into multinational events. As an example, the World Nomadic Games (WNG) is held biennially and has grown considerably, in 2018, 3,000 athletes from 77 countries. The WNG has contributed to science in cultural heritage and transmission of the ICH in general. Traditional game federations have established networks in a number of counties- Salbuurun Federation (seventeen countries), Kök Börü Federation (ten countries), Alysh Federation (sixty-three countries), Kyrgyz Kürösh Federation (twenty-eight countries), Toguz Korgool Federation (thirty-three countries), Er Engish Federation (thirteen countries) and Ordo Federation (six countries). As a result, ICH festivals became one of the main attractions for international tourists in Kyrgyzstan that contribute to the local economy and to the livelihoods and well-being of concerned communities as well."

15 December 2021: Sixteenth session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage approved the inscription of Tais on the UNESCO List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. \n\nAs the first inscription of Timor-Leste’s ICH element to the list, ICHCAP has been requested by the UNESCO Jakarta Office for cooperation projects on the transmission and promotion of Timor-Leste’s ICH and plans to cooperate with local NGOs and plan possible projects. Safeguarding and promoting these rich cultures need research, publication and production. Moreover, as general masses could be reached through audio-visual production to promote and safeguard these cultures, academically arranged narratives processed into visual presentations such as documentary productions are crucial and timely. \n\nThis informational and promotional material development project adds continued value to the Timor-Leste National Commission for UNESCO’s work with the National ICH committee that undertakes to nominate the element (Tais) to the Urgent Safeguarding List with the international assistant. \n\nTimor-Leste National Commission for UNESCO agrees to employ Merkurius Yung with the position of Director of CEVNAG Production Film in accordance with the terms set out in the Term of Reference (ToR). In this position, the Director of CEVNAG Production Film, as well as a consultant, reported to Timor-Leste National Commission for UNESCO on 2 (two) items such as video production for Tais and Uma Lulik, and 14 (fourteen) elements of the Inventory Booklet project. The process sites cover the municipalities such as Baucau, Bobonaro, Covalima, Ermera, Lautem and Oecusse. \n\n(ICHCAP has the original file)\n

The Gong khle or Gong Boun (four gongs) is a traditional instrument of the indigenous people, Bunoong living in Mondulkiri province. This instrument is performed for the purpose of entertaining during festivals or other occasions in indigenous villages. This form is in danger due to the lack of transmission. In response to the current situation, the Provincial Department of Culture and Fine Arts has been implementing a number of activities to support the promotion of indigenous peoples’ culture living in Mondulkiri. \nThe instrument is made of copper mixed with silver with a specific measure by the experts. These musical instruments are inherited from their ancestors and they do not know whether other indigenous groups play these instruments. Today, they cannot afford to produce it themselves.\n