The Koryo Saram living in Uzbekistan are descendants of Koreans who resettled from Primorsky Krai and Khabarovsk Krai in Russia to Central Asia around 1937. However, unlike the majority of Korean diaspora communities that were formed through voluntary migration, the Koryo Saram of Central Asia were forcibly resettled as a consequence of political decisions. And as a result the Koryo Saram who settled in Central Asia faced huge challenges adapting to their new geographical and sociocultural environment, and as ethnic minorities these challenges were intensified. The establishment and growth of the Korean diaspora community of Uzbekistan took place within this context. nOf the post-Soviet activities to safeguard and transmit intangible cultural heritage, the efforts of the Koryo Saram dance troupes deserve special mention, especially with the somewhat recently established Samjiyeon Dance Troupe, Asadal Dance Troupe, and Koryo Dance Troupe under the Central Koryo Saram Culture Association of Uzbekistan (Koryo Association). Established in 1998, Koryo Dance Troupe is the oldest of the three while the Samjiyeon Dance Troupe and Asadal Dance Troupe were established in 2014 and 2015, respectively. With the exception of Koryo Dance Troupe, young people (in their twenties and thirties) head up these troupes and the dancers are in their teens and twenties. Key activities of all the troupes include both dance education and performance.\nThese Koryo Saram dance troupes perform at various events, including the traditional Koryo Saram festivals of Chuseok (a harvest holiday) and Seolnal (Lunar New Year), and thus play a central role in the continued transmission of intangible cultural heritage. The dance troupes also perform at events alongside various other ethnic groups, promoting the Koryo Saram community’s place within Uzbek society as an ethnic group with a unique and honorable heritage, living harmoniously with its neighbors.y of Uzbekistan took place within this context.

I have worked as an archaeologist, anthropologist, and historian in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Vanuatu for 35 years. I was lead researcher for the World Heritage inscription of Chief Roi Mata's Domain in Vanuatu (2008) but most of my current work focuses on Living Heritage, especially in the context of emergencies (conflict and disasters), and questions of transmission.

The Craft Council of Kyrgyzstan is the craftsmen association that has united more than 5000 craftsmen throughout Kyrgyzstan and with the representatives of all regions in the country. \n\nThe Crafts Council was established in 2013 with the aim of uniting craftspeople on the basis of common interest to support efforts in promoting the handicraft sector and traditional crafts in the Kyrgyz Republic. The Crafts Council represents and protects the interests of Kyrgyz craftspeople at the national and international levels. \n\nThe Craft Council of manages the work of communities and NGOs and their cooperation in implementing measures to safeguard traditional craftsmanship. It cooperates with different stakeholders and connects craftspeople with governmental institutions or educational organizations for instance. \n\nNational Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for UNESCO and the Crafts Council have a long successful cooperation history, which is reflected in joint nomination files such as “Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdak, art of Kyrgyz traditional felt carpets” inscribed on the Urgent Safeguarding List of UNESCO, preparation of periodic reports, organization of community-based events and traditional crafts documenting activities. All members of the Crafts Council are usually encouraged to actively take part in the safeguarding, popularization, and transmission of common heritage. \n

In the 1960s, Late Komal Kothari ,a renowed folklorist and ethnomusicologist and his very close friend, Vijaydan Detha an eminent Rajasthani writer realized that the problem of language covered the whole way of life of people and soon set out on a goal which became larger than collecting tales and songs. They further expanded their archival and research work in the field of folklore encompassing folk songs, folk tales, folk beliefs, proverbs, folk ballads, folk epics of long plays, folk gods and goddesses, social practices, rituals, fairs and festivals, rural food, nomads and pastoral ways of life. Until 1990’s they travelled more than 29000 villages to collect the large repository of cultural heritage both intangible (oral) in the form of audio video and tangible object’s of daily life made from natural resources. During 30years of intense study by them on folklore (in ethno-geographic regions) they finally looked into the traditional ways of knowledge transmission where the practice is to “learn but not to teach” in a structured way. In the year 1995 Komal Kothari got the recognition of his work by the Government of India and has been awarded Padma-Shree in 1983 and Padma Bhusan in 2004.

Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

#bhutan #bhutantravel #bhutanculture #유네스코아태무형유산센터 #unesco \n\nThe Bhutanese tradition of xylography and printing was begun in the 15th century by Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) and his sons, creating the root of virtues for the wellbeing of both living and dead in the country. Thereafter, the biography of the Terton and his collected works were printed on woodblocks and distributed to his residential monasteries and his patrons both in Bhutan and Tibet.\n\nFollowing the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in Bhutan, the hitherto divided country was united under the main influence of the dual system of governance. Thereafter, the successive abbots of the monastic system and heads of the temporal system and then the successive far-sighted kings of the Wangchuck Dynasty, together with the heads of various other schools of Buddhism have continued to uphold the tradition. Skills training in woodblock making, engraving and printing were facilitated to provide sufficient copies of works on science and crafts, and the biographies and excellent teachings to be distributed to the communities of ordained monks and practitioners, dzongs and temples throughout the country. Therefore, Trashigang in the east, Trongsa in the centre, and Punakha and Paro in the west of the country became popular centres for such activities, until the reign of 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928-1972).\n\nStarting 1970s, however, distribution has entered into a commercial phase, with increasing numbers of scriptural works being offset printed in India and then returned to Bhutan for distribution. At the same time, the interest in and practice of the traditional method of printing on woodblocks have been gradually losing their value among the users. Nowadays, printing machines have been set up in ever increasing numbers countrywide and these can produce, in larger quantities and within a very short time, scriptural volumes and other books that have a clear typeface, and are colourful and pleasing in appearance. On the one hand, this is a clear indication of progress in economic development, but on the other, this has become one of the main reasons for losing the precious heritage of woodblock print, among others.\n\nTransmission method\nIn Bhutan, the transmission of the knowledge and skills related to Xylography printing is usually undertaken by teaching or engaging the interested candidates in the printing process. The process normally requires two persons for better results, but one person alone can also do the job in cases of urgency when there is no one else available to help. The woodblock is first placed flat on a printing bench. The following steps are followed for printing.\n\nFor more information please visit \nhttps://www.ichlinks.com/archive/elements/elementsV.do?nation=BT&page=1&urlAnchor=txt&elementsUid=13874510342886677176&mode=grid&searchText=printing&orderCd=A&countrys=BT

Webinar: “Life, Environment, and ICH along the Silk Roads”\n\n<Day 1>\n\n1. 'The Need to Shift from Global to Local' by Helena Norberg-Hodge\n2. 'On Cooperative Mechanism for the Silk Roads ICH toward Sustainable Development' by Seong-Yong Park\n3. 'Vitality and Sustainability of the Silk Roads ICH Festivals' by Alisher Ikramov\n4. 'The Water-Performance Installation Project—Art Practice for the Coexistence of Humanity and Nature in the Silk Roads Region' by Dong-jo Yoo\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession1 : Online Strategic Meeting on Silk Roads ICH Networking\n: Case Studies on the Vitalization of the Silk Roads ICH: ICH Festivals & Sustainable Development\n\n1. 'Case of Tajikistan : Role of Festivals for ICH Safeguarding Within Local Communities' by Dilshod Rahimi\n2. 'Case of Kyrgyzstan: Influences and Effects of ICH Festivals on Local Communities' by Sabira Soltongeldieva\n3. 'Case of Kazakhstan: ICH Festivals’ Influence and Effects on Local Communities' by Khanzada Yessenova\n4. 'Andong International Mask Dance Festival: Realization of Folkloric Values and Transmission of ICH' by Ju Ho Kim\n5. 'Case of Turukmenistan : Future of ICH Safeguarding' by Shohrat Jumayev\n\n<Day 2>\n\nSession2: Cooperation and Solidarity for Operating the ICH Network along the Silk Roads\n\n1. 'On the Feasibility of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Sangcheol Kim\n2. 'Operational Issues of the Network' by Alim Feyzulayev\n3. 'Cultural Context of a CIOFF Festival' by Philippe Beaussant\n4. 'ICH Festivals in Specific Goal and Task' by Kaloyan Nikolov\n5. 'Identifying Ways to Develop Intangible Heritage Festivals through Community Networks (Focusing on the Case of the Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival)' by Daeyoung Ko\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession3: Collaborative Work and Benefits through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network\n\n1. 'Scope and Definition of Collaborative Work through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Kwon Huh\n2. 'Cooperative Measures for Festivals in the Silk Road Region' by Jahangir Selimkhanov\n3. 'ichLinks: Information-Sharing Platform as a Key Base for Safeguarding and Use of Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific' by Sangmook Park\n4. 'Case Study: Silk Roads Heritage Corridor - Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Iran' by Krista Pikkat\n5. 'UNESCO Silk Road Online Platform' by Mehrdad Shabahang\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion

I remember the dancers of Asia, who flew in from far and wide each year without hesitation. Meeting these dancers, united in their passion for keeping the beauty of traditional dances alive against the impending threat of rapid urbanization and globalization, was a deeply moving and happy experience for me. Their joy, talent, earnestness and pure intent were what made "One Asia in Dance" possible.\n\nDance is a living and breathing art form. In performance, it goes beyond the preservation of the fixed original form, to connect the past, present and future, evolving and developing. 'One Asia in Dance' showed not only the transmission of traditions but also the continuing reinvention of traditions to reflect contemporary sentiments in the traditional dances of Asia. I sincerely hope that a wider audience will find an opportunity to rediscover the value of cultural heritage in the Asia Pacific through the window of dance.\n\n*This collection is donated by the Asia Dance Culture Institute in Korea

The Alha is an oral epic from the Bundelkhand area in the state of Uttar Pradesh. However, it is popular and performed across much of Northwest India. It is a martial epic, and tells a single story. It’s the story of brothers Alha and Udal, who belong to the Banaphar family, loyal to the ruler Parmal of the Chandel dynasty. The story is told and sung over fifty-two episodes, each called a larai, which means “battle.” Some episodes are about births and weddings, but most culminate in a larai. The underlying theme is that of the Chandels fighting Prithviraj Chauhan, a legendary king of the Chauhan dynasty. Prithviraj Chauhan is a major figure in Indian folklore and there are many medieval epic poems dedicated to him. Most of the Alha larais are about the Chandels defending the kingdom of Mahoba from Prithviraj Chauhan. The Chandels are eventually defeated by Prithviraj Chauhan. However, Prithviraj Chauhan is weakened by the battles, thereby demonstrating how powerful the Chandels are. The Alha is thus not an epic of victorious heroes like many martial epics. The heroes are praisied for their loyalty and valor. The Alha is also an example of a local oral epic that is linked to the great Indian epics. Alha is often referred to as the Mahabharata of the Kaliyug, comparing the Banaphar brothers to the Pandavas. The Alha epic was translated and published as the The lay of Alha: A Saga of Rajput Chivalry as Sung by Minstrels of Northern India. It was partly translated into English ballad meter by William Waterfield in 1923. The singing of the Alha epic is based on the Alha-Khand, a body of episodes that is passed down from generation to generation. Though there are published pamphlets available in current times, most people learn from their gurus in the traditional system of oral transmission. Alha epic poets and singers belong to akharas, and singers perform only the compositions of the poets of their own akharas. The Alha epic is normally sung by a group, with one singer following another. Traditionally, Alha is performed in villages during the monsoon, when there is no work in the fields. Though there are fifty-one episodes, only one larai is performed at a time, which may last one hour or the whole night. It is performed by men for all-male audiences. In recent times, competitions or pratiyogitas have been organized by State departments and other cultural bodies. As these cannot give the same space to each group, the performances are necessarily truncated. This has also led to the use of costumes and props, and sometimes acting out of episodes. This track from the epic of Alha, is an excerpt from the beginning of an episode titled “Kiratsagar Ki Larai.” In this episode, women are carrying wheat shoots in baskets on their heads to the Kiratsagar lake in Mahoba on the full moon of the Indian month of Sawan, when Prithviraj Chauhan attacks Mahoba. The Kiratsagar ki larai is part of the collection of the Alha recorded and collected by Karine Schomer, who is known for her considerable research on the Alha.

This song literally relates to Roko Savirewa awaiting his meal, the day’s catch from the sea. The “meal” referred to is a fish locally known as Nuqa. (It is unknown whether Roko Savirewa is the name of a child or elder or Chief. Roko, in some parts of Fiji, refers to a chiefly title preceding the chiefdom they rule, e.g., Duke of Norwich England, but in this case “Duke of Savirewa.”) In olden days, with no formal schooling, children learned the language, cultural practices, and survival techniques through chants and stories and other means of oral transmission of intangible cultural heritage such as this song.

CD7_CA HUẾ (THE HUẾ SINGING) IN CENTRAL VIETNAM\n\nCa Huế (the Huế singing) was a special traditional chamber music in Huế, a central city of Vietnam. Ca Huế originated from royal music. “There was the chamber music, serving the Nguyễn Kings and their mothers”. At first, Ca Huế was the chamber music performed in the palaces of royal families, mandarins, and wealthy people. After that, it spread to common communities. Ca Huế has been gradually influenced by many Huế folk musical types. During its development, Ca Huế affected royal music; for example, ten bản Tàu musical pieces (or it can be called ten bản Ngự or Thập thủ liên hoàn) were played in sacrifice ceremonies or some occasions in the court by royal instrumentalists. Ca Huế is the essence mixture of folk music and royal music, which creates the special nuance satisfying the artistic demand of the elite intellectual class and the common class. As a result, in the past, during happy occasions such as New Year ceremonies, parties for celebrating promotions, or parties for opening new businesses, Ca Huế was organised at the private houses of mandarins, the elite class, and Huế common people.\n\nIn the past, participants of Ca Huế included only the elite class, mandarins, and the people with erudite literary knowledge and with the ability to compose beautiful and profound lyrics. They played instruments together and shared their thoughts through instrumental music and singing. The singing and the instrumental music of one person was the inspiration for the singing and the musical composition of another. Group members were also the audiences. They enjoyed their mutual talents respectfully. In recent years, Ca Huế has been performed on stage to also serve the common people. In this musical type, there is a clear classification between composers, performers, and audiences like professional music. The interactive relation among group members of Ca Huế chamber music can be presently only found in Ca Huế in private houses.

In the iTaukei Fijian culture, raising children is everyone’s responsibility. It is therefore everyone’s business to learn, memorize and recite the chant correctly.\nEach chant, or meke, is unique to the families, clans, and communities. Chants for children often take the form of poems that proclaim the identity of the clan and their origins.\nFor example, a chant composed for children who are from inland of the two main islands in Fiji would be different from those created for children from maritime and coastal tribes.\n\nChildren’s chants are composed to suit different stages of childhood development and their activities. Vakamoce gone, or bedtime chants, are sung to put children to sleep and would therefore be recited with a soft, soothing monotone. This is an early introduction of language to the subconscious being of a child. Meanwhile, Vakawele gone are chants sung to draw full attention of a child when they are awake, and, therefore, are performed at fast tempo with a playful tone. Vakaqito gone are chants sung to engage a child in a game. They are participatory in nature and contribute to development of child’s sensory movements and social skills.

Our Cultural Expressions: Indigenous Sounds of Fiji home\n(2017 Fiji-ICHCAP Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials)\n\nSince its foundation in 1904 as a national museum, the Fiji Museum has safeguarded and promoted various cultures and heritage of Pacific islands. The Fiji population consists mostly of iTaukei (native Fijians), Fijians of Indian descent, and Rotumans. The Fiji Museum has collected and shared tangible and intangible cultural heritage of such various ethnic groups through various methods to widely promote Fiji’s cultural heritage.\n\nIn 2017, ICHCAP carried out the Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Materials in cooperation with the Fiji Museum, which resulted in the digitization of five hundred hours of analogue materials. Based on this, ICHCAP has published an audiovisual collection, titled “Our Cultural Expressions: Indigenous Sounds of Fiji”, which contains selected digitized materials that well represent Fiji’s traditions. The Fiji Museum not just contributed to the digitization of analogue materials, but also supported the production of the collection to help more people discover the precious materials.\n\nThe Fijian collection consists of nine CDs and one DVD. The collection lists eighty tracks of chants, children’s songs, dance music, hymns, and folk songs of everyday life of Fijians that were recorded in the 1970s. The collection also features a video on mat weaving that was recorded in 1997. The video introduces mat weaving, which is considered an important element in the culture and life of Fijians, and its social and cultural significance. The collection is expected to be widely utilized in ICH-related research and also in education and transmission of the knowledge at schools.\n\nThe digitization project is meaningful in that it has restored analogue materials in Fiji, which were at risk of severe damage, to enhance academic values and raise public awareness of the materials. ICHCAP will continue its efforts to identify valuable materials in the Asia-Pacific region and provide a better access to ICH information through related projects.

Universities are essential vectors to build a skilled workforce to implement and support ICH safeguarding activities in a sustainable and locally-appropriate manner. Whilst there has been an increase in post-graduate heritage education in the Asia-Pacific Region in the past decade, few programmes focus on ICH.\n\nThis survey generates an understanding of current activities and needs of tertiary education actors in the Asia-Pacific Region. It also explores the feasibility of establishing a network of universities to deepen reflection on ICH in the academic world.

Based on the ICHCAP Field Survey on Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding Efforts in some East and Central Asian countries from 2009 to 2012, this summary provides a brief overview on the ICH situation in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan . The summary focuses mainly on ICH safeguarding systems, safeguarding policies, and ICH inventories as well as on pending issues and the urgent safeguarding needs of these countries. Moreover, information on the main entities in charge of ICH safeguarding and opinions of each country on the issue of community involvement are provided. To give a quick overview these countries’ participation in ICH safeguarding at the international level, some additional information related to UNESCO is specified as well. This survey report offers a large sample of the diverse ICH situations in East Asian and Central Asian countries. Although each country has a different background on issue of intangible heritage, depending on its cultural, economic, and socio-political situation, the countries participating in the survey share a commonality: They are post-communist countries that were once under the Soviet system. Moreover, they share a traditional culture shaped by nomadic pastoralism that offers a variety of cultural similarities. For instance, they keep an ancient and rich tradition of epic singing, and they are highly concerned about this oral heritage as it is on the brink of disappearance. In this sense, they have much to exchange and share in regards to safeguarding ICH. The countries participating in the survey are concerned with the threats against their ICH, but most of these nations are in the early process of defining ICH and establishing independent national ICH lists. At the same time, each country expresses a high degree of motivation and encouragement for safeguarding ICH, sharing experiences, and participating in international cooperation programmes. Apart from the main subject, a brief glimpse is taken on the situation of intellectual property in ICH safeguarding in each country. Compared to the Southwest Asian countries that participated in the field survey, the East Asian and Central Asian countries provided little information on intellectual property issues, so it is recommended that ICHCAP undertake the Field Survey on Intellectual Property Issues in the Process of ICH Information Building and Information Sharing in some countries to see their status on this subject.\n\n- Ratified the ICH Convention in 2008; survey conducted in 2009 and updated in 2014.\n- As of March 2018, has 6 ICH elements on the RL, 1 element as GSP, and no accredited NGOs.