▶ Play Video 7. The T’boli A People Who Live with Art\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on September 19, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe T’boli (Tagabili, Tiboli), together with the B’laan to the east and Teduray to the north, are in a single language group distinct from the remaining language groups of Mindanao. The T’boli traditionally live in scattered ettlements in the highlands of southwestern Mindanao, in the province of South Cotabato. The cultural communities surround the complex of highland lakes—Lake Sebu, Lake Selutan, and Lake Lahit. Settlements are composed of family clusters of fifteen or more households. Clusters are at elevations averaging 3,000 feet above sea level. Recently, these settlements have grown to comprise thirty or more households. Each settlement has a ceremonial house called a gono bong (big house). Members of such communities are usually related by kinship.\n\nThe T’boli practice swidden farming, cultivating highland rice (teneba), the staple food, potato, sugar cane, taro, and sweet potato. Corn and coffee are considered cash crops. Owning a horse is an indicator of economic status. Forests function as the main source of food, and the main source of protein is lake fish.\n\nThe T’boli are noted for their backstrap loom textile, t’nalak, which is woven from tie-dyed abaca fiber. Personal ornaments made of multicolored beads and embroidered blouses and hats are other notable features of the T’boli. Small household metal industries use the lost-wax process to manufacture cast brass bolo handles, figurines and betel-nut containers, and other ornaments.\n\nWhile the kinship system is bilateral, there is a strong male dominance. The father leads the household, and the oldest male leads joint and extended families. The oldest male child takes over this dominance upon the death of the father. If there is no son, lomolo is practiced, whereby the father’s eldest brother assumes the wealth of the deceased and claims the latter’s wife as his own.\n\nThe communities are also linked through a recognized leader, the datu, who does not officially command but whose word is respected because of his status, economic means, reputed courage, skill in settling disputes, and wisdom in the interpretation of custom laws. The position is achieved through community validation. He traditionally acquires rights over a person for whom he has paid an unsettled debt.\n\nA major social ritual of the T’boli is the mo-ninum, which is usually celebrated for a marriage and includes a multilateral exchange of articles of wealth (kimu). After six ceremonial feasts, for which the families take turns being hosts (moken) and guests (mulu), the ceremony climaxes with the marriage itself. The whole cycle may take many years to complete and sometimes results in the construction of a gono mo-ninum, a huge house that can accommodate more than two hundred people.\n\nMaguindanaoMandayaKalingaSubanonTagalogManobo

▶ Play Video 4. A Sound for the Spirits The Buklog of the Subanons\nThis is a shortened version of the Travel Time episode “A Subanon Celebration,” which was first aired on Filipino television on March 21, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Subanon cultural ritual.\n\nThe Subanon or Subanun people of the upstream may be found on the western Peninsula. The population core areas are in Katipunan. The known subgroups parallel the linguistic variations and micro-adaptations to social and physical environment and comprise: (1) Misamis, (2) Lapuyan, (3) Sindangan, (4) Tuboy, and (5) Salug.\n\nThe cultural and technological adaptation is upland riverine. They practice swidden cultivation on mountain slopes. The traditional settlement pattern is highly dispersed with a few residential structures on top of ridges near potable water sources. The houses are placed adjacent to cultivated fields. They favor locations near springs where water gushes out of rocks over contiguous to streams.\n\nRice is the preferred food crop, but fields are also rotated and intercropped, planted with corn, sweet potato, and cassava. Land problems and soil degradation have forced some of the people to recourse to wet rice agriculture where the topography allows. Metal craft and backstrap weaving are practiced. They have maintained trade with coastal peoples for centuries, as indicated by the presence of Asian stone and ceramic trade wares. Present-day Subanon are usually nonaggressive. There are indications that in the past, the people were required to provide a “soul companion” for an important deceased relative.\n\nUnique to the Subanon is their set of rituals, the buklog, the main feature of which is a huge dancing platform (buklogan). This structure is raised some 10 to 18 feet high and consists of a highly resilient platform supported at the corners by upright posts. A long pole is passed through the middle of the platform and extends upwards like a maypole. Below it is a short thick hollowed log that lies above a trench filled with empty jars functioning as resonating chambers. The pole rises and falls when dancers rhythmically bounce on the platform. The booming sound invites people to come and join in the ritual and festival. There is feasting, wining, and dancing lasting for days, with as many as two hundred people dancing on the buklogan continuously, day and night.\n\nThe ritual consists of a complex set of rites performed before the culminating event, usually near waterways, and which serve to propitiate spirits. The buklog is a prestige ritual that has a multitude of functions, such as celebrating well- being and a good harvest, and giving thanks to appease spirits after an illness. It may also honor personalities, welcome back homecomers, or praise a new timuay (leader). Finally, it is held to pay respects to the spirits of the dead, for the final sending of the spirit of the ancestor and the death anniversary of a grandparent.\n\nThe Subanen form a subgroup and are related to the Subanon but are concentrated in Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte.

Folk Dances of Nepal_Kami Nach\n\nPerformer: Unknown \nDate of Recording: 1991 \nCaste: Kami \nCollector: Dan Bahadur Nepali\n\nNepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.\n\nThe Kami Naach is a traditional sword and shield dance from Jumla. It is performed in memory of Purichandra Tiruwa Kami, a famous Kami who was the military chief of King Bali (crowned in 1461) of Jumla. The dance is performed for various important life event ceremonies, including those of birth and marriage, but not death. Kami, people also known as bishwokarma, make weapons and tools for a living. In ancient times, this dance was performed by warriors as a rehearsal for war. Performers exhibit various positions of a soldier fighting in battle in this dance.

Cultural space of Baysun was recognized by UNESCO as the “Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity” among the first 19 in 2001. Consequently, in 2008, it was included in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Humanity of UNESCO. Inclusion the space to the List enhanced the opportunity of preservation, documentation and conduct scientific researches of artistic traditions and culture of Baysun district. It is a world bringing together settled and nomadic traditions, Turkic and eastern Iranian peoples. The traditional culture of Baysun, besides Islam, has its roots in ancient cults and faiths. In its folklore one can see traditions with elements of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism, animism and ancestors worship. Grazing patterns have not changed in a thousand years. Livestock are still the main measure of wealth, and gardening is a male tradition. Hand spinning wheels, graters, tandirs, water mills, and blacksmiths using bellows all still exist. National clothes are made, such as doppi and chapans and head scarves for men and women, using craft traditions and local ornamental decorations dating from the tenth and eleventh centuries. Old customs and rituals govern life from birth to death. There is much historical heritage and native wisdom in them.

Palav culture and traditions have been included into the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016. Palov (or Osh) is the most beloved and highly regarded food among Uzbeks. It is spread in all regions of Uzbekistan. Palov accompanies Uzbeks throughout their lives. It is prepared on different occasions. These are: on the occasion of the birth of the first child (aqiqa); on the occasion of circumcision ceremony (sunnat toyi); on the occasion of engagement ceremony (fotiha oshi); on the occasion of seeing off a bride to the house of a groom (qiz oshi); in connection with wedding, for men only (nikah oshi); in connection with wedding, for women only (khotin oshi); after wedding, only for friends of a groom (kuyav oshi); on the occasion of child’s birth and carrying out “ beshikkasolish” ritual (beshik toyi oshi); on the occasion of commemoration of the deceased (ehsan oshi); on the occasion of anniversary of death day (yiloshi). Thus it serves to unite people for different events.

Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

“Hakka” means “guest people” in Chinese. A group of Hakka settled in Mui Tsz Lam, a village in North-East New Territories in Hong Kong, in the 17th Century during the Qing Dynasty. \n\nThe Hakka are known for being hardworking and enduring. Since they farmed on less fertile terraces, their food grown is modest and practical. This culture is also reflected in festive foods like rice dumplings for the Tuen Ng Festival, also known as the Dragon Boat Festival.\n\nMaking and eating rice dumplings is an essential part of the Tuen Ng Festival. The festival is associated the patriotic poet and politician Qu Yuan in the 3rd Century BC, who committed suicide at the river. After his death, people made rice dumplings and threw them into the river and played drums on the dragon boat, hoping that the fish would not eat Qu Yuan’s body. \n\nAt present times, people still make rice dumplings every Tuen Ng festival as a tradition, with different recipes passed on in different areas. The Hakka recipe is modest and simple, which utilizes almost all home grown produce, which includes bamboo leaves, sticky rice, peanuts, shallots, and dried shrimp. After many years of desolation since the 1970s, Mui Tsz Lam villagers come back to their home village to make rice dumplings together for the first time.\n\nThe instructions to make a Hakka rice dumpling are as follows:\n1. Preparing ingredients:\nSoak bamboo leaves and sticky rice overnight, and dried shrimps for 15 minutes. When bamboo leaves are soft, clean and cut the top and bottom of bamboo leaves.\n2. Chopping and crushing:\nMince the soaked dried shrimps, shallots. Crush peanuts and remove skin.\n3. Frying the filling:\nFry the dried shrimps, shallots and peanuts, first separately then together. Set the filling aside.\n4. Wrapping the dumpling:\nWith 1 bamboo leaf, place a layer of stick rice and a layer of filling, then another layer of sticky rice. Cover the layers with the same piece of bamboo leaf. Turn the dumpling aside and use another piece of bamboo leaf to wrap the side. Do the same for the other side, and the dumpling should be completely wrapped by 3 bamboo leaves. Tie up the dumpling with strings or grass. \n5. Cooking: \nBoil the dumpling for 3 hours before eating.

Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, 2016\n" Palov Culture and Traditions was inscribed onto the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016. Uzbek lifestyle is mainly connected with palov (osh) among all other meals. Palov is cooked in a ceremony conducted on the birth in the family and in all ceremonies conducted during a person’s entire life. Even in death ceremonies, palov is cooked to remember the deceased. Based on these traditions we can say that Uzbek palov brings family members, relatives, neighbors, colleagues, and friends closer.\n\nThe social significance of palov is highlighted in the current film with the help of cadres about palov preparation and consumption. Starting from purchasing ingredients, preparing, and consuming palov, the film documents the entire process as well as the conversations among the people making palov"

In 1950, a man, named Paw Shwun Hla Phu, from Sa-non-bon Region, was the very first person who played this flute to express his grief over the death of his beloved wife. With the passage of time, he was able to seek solace and later he played flute in his village. It was so pleasing that he was requested by the reverend priest U Down Phaung Non to give a performance in the church on February 3, 1952, and in Galoun Tahtaung Church for the second time on March 2. On April 6, 1954, his performance was titled Wunpawng Sumpyi. When the chieftain Duwar Zawsai heard his playing, he was asked to entertain. They awarded him for his great performance. Later, Wunpawng Sumpyi flute was played together with gong and two other traditional musical instruments and Wunpawng Sumpyi orchestra was formed.\nBamboo grows in the wild in hilly region, which must expose to the sunlight, is used to make this flute. A total of six holes are perforated on this bamboo stick. The second last finger hole is seal up. It is played by blowing into mouth piece and by opening and closing of the finger holes on the flute. Western music also can be played with this flute. The flute sounds Key of C. It is played in some special events such as new year festival, campfire festivity, harvesting festival, housewarming ceremony and wedding ceremony.\n-1 feet 5 inches in length\n-1.5 inches in circumference\n-1.5 inches in distance from mouth piece to the top\n-6.5 inches in distance from mouthpiece from the first finger hole\n-2.5 inches in length from the top to the last finger hole

In 1950, a man, named Paw Shwun Hla Phu,from Sa-non-bon Region, was the very first person who played this flute to express his grief over the death of his beloved wife. With the passage of time, he was able to seek solace and later he played flute in his village. It was so pleasing that he was requested by the reverend priest U Down Phaung Non to give a performance in the church on February 3, 1952, and in Galoun Tahtaung Church for the second time on March 2. On April 6, 1954, his performance was titled Wunpawng Sumpy is. When the chieftain Duwar Zawsai heard his playing, he was asked to entertain. They awarded him for his great performance. Later, Wunpawng Sumpyi flute was played together with gong and two other traditional musical instruments and Wunpawng Sumpyi orchestra was formed.\nBamboo grows in the wild in hilly region, which must expose to the sunlight, is used to make this flute. A total of six holes are perforated on this bamboo stick. The second last finger hole is seal up. It is played by blowing into mouthpiece and by opening and closing of the finger holes on the flute. Western music also can be played with this flute. The flute sounds Key C. It is played in some special events such as new year festival, campfire festivity, harvesting festival, housewarming ceremony and wedding ceremony.\n-1 feet 5 inches in Length\n-1.5 inches in Circumference\n-1.5 inches in Distance from mouthpiece to the top\n-6.5 inches in Distance from mouthpiece from the first finger hole\n-2.5 inches in Length from the top to the last finger hole

Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley: Traditional Craftsmanship\n\nThe Ferghana Valley is a cradle of ancient Uzbek cultural traditions. In this area, creative folk arts, such as dancing, music, applied art, performances, and national games are highly developed and interconnected as are customs, traditions, and events. Uzbeks, Tajiks, Uyghurs, Kyrgyzs, Turks, Russians, and people of other national and ethnic backgrounds live in the Ferghana Valley. While they maintain and hold their own folk traditions, customs, and festivities, they also engage in Navruz and Mehrjon holidays with each other.\n\n1. Guli Arghuvon Festival\nThe expedition team to Ferghana Valley video-taped the Guli Arghuvon Festival that takes place every spring in the Do‘sti Khudo Graveyard in the Oltiariq District. The holiday is connected with the blossoming of the arghuvon plants (cercis siliquastrum) that grow in front of the graveyard’s mausoleum and stay in bloom for three days. While this particular event is not celebrated elsewhere, similar events, such as Qizil Gul or Guli Surkh (Red Flower), Lola Sayli (Tulip Festivity), Sunbul Sayli (Hyacinth Festivity), and Gunafsha Sayli (Viola Festivity), have found their way onto traditional calendars in different regions. Due to the historically agrarian Uzbek culture, many of its traditions, such as the Guli Arghuvon Festival and the others mentioned, are related to praising plant life and nature itself. Ancient faiths saw the eternity of nature with death coming in autumn when the trees lose their leaves and life returning when plants blossom in early spring. This point of view is the basis for many beliefs and events in agrarian cultures. The Guli Arghuvon Festival is based on ancient calendar events that unite agrarian beliefs and culture with ideas relating to harvests. Holding the event in a graveyard connects the idea that nature undergoes death and birth in the circle of seasonal change.

The Ferghana Valley is a cradle of ancient Uzbek cultural traditions. In this area, creative folk arts, such as dancing, music, applied art, performances, and national games are highly developed and interconnected as are customs, traditions, and events. Uzbeks, Tajiks, Uyghurs, Kyrgyzs, Turks, Russians, and people of other national and ethnic backgrounds live in the Ferghana Valley. While they maintain and hold their own folk traditions, customs, and festivities, they also engage in Navruz and Mehrjon holidays with each other.\n\n1. Guli Arghuvon Festival\nThe expedition team to Ferghana Valley video-taped the Guli Arghuvon Festival that takes place every spring in the Do‘sti Khudo Graveyard in the Oltiariq District. The holiday is connected with the blossoming of the arghuvon plants (cercis siliquastrum) that grow in front of the graveyard’s mausoleum and stay in bloom for three days. While this particular event is not celebrated elsewhere, similar events, such as Qizil Gul or Guli Surkh (Red Flower), Lola Sayli (Tulip Festivity), Sunbul Sayli (Hyacinth Festivity), and Gunafsha Sayli (Viola Festivity), have found their way onto traditional calendars in different regions. Due to the historically agrarian Uzbek culture, many of its traditions, such as the Guli Arghuvon Festival and the others mentioned, are related to praising plant life and nature itself. Ancient faiths saw the eternity of nature with death coming in autumn when the trees lose their leaves and life returning when plants blossom in early spring. This point of view is the basis for many beliefs and events in agrarian cultures. The Guli Arghuvon Festival is based on ancient calendar events that unite agrarian beliefs and culture with ideas relating to harvests. Holding the event in a graveyard connects the idea that nature undergoes death and birth in the circle of seasonal change.