Jhakri or Dhami is a local name for the person who does the traditional ritual to cure the patient. During ancient times, in the absence of medical science, people used to treat the patient through traditional therapy by performing a ritual known as Chhimta, Jhakri. The history of becoming a Jhakri is related to the story of Lord Shiva and his wife Parvati. Goddess Sati took birth on earth as the daughter of King Himavat and Queen Mena. Narad Muni, (a storyteller who carries news and enlightening wisdom) came to look at the baby and declared she is destined to marry Shiva. While growing up, she would lose herself thinking about Lord Shiva. So when Parvati was of marriageable age, she went to the Himalayas to perform penance and appease Lord Shiva and marry him. Lord Shiva was impressed by her devotion and knew about her desire, and he married her. \n\nAfter living together for years, one day Lord Shiva was seriously ill and couldn't be cured for so long. Gradually Lord Shiva came to know that the main cause was because of Parvati. She is believed to be witchcraft (Sondray in Dzongkha and Bogshi in Lhotshamkha). Then Lord Shiva shared with his in-law. His in-law conveyed the idea that her soul/mind will become cleansed if the witchcraft gets out of her soul. The situation was unfathomable to solve, in the course of time Lord Shiva and his in-law tried with an idea to cease the witchcraft of Parvati. One day Parvati was stirring over something out of her attention. Suddenly, his in-law shouted in front of her and said PHAAT!!! Perceptibly, she was horrified by sound and her witchcraft dissipated. So it is said that the evolution of Jhakri started from that moment. So this story was shared by most of the interviewees. \n\nMoreover, it has another continuous story to be shared as per Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, a senior citizen of Dzomling chiwog. Once there came a person called Jangali (another name for Jhakri) to meet Lord Shiva who was seriously ill for so long. So Jangali sat to the right of Lord Shiva and Parvati to the left. Jangali came with the Tiger grass (Botanical name: Thysanolaena latifolia) to treat Shiva by using the leaves. The treatment was akin to showing the magic. Jangali swallowed that leaf in his mouth and showed it from his bottom. Then Parvati was asked to swallow the tiger grass leaf. As she swallowed the leaf, it stuck halfway down her throat, and was finding it difficult to swallow completely. Then the Jangali asked her to cough out the leaf with full force. When Parvati coughed out with full force the leaf came out and along with it witched. As a result, the leaf left a mark on Parvati’s teeth. So this is a story regarding the evolution of Jhakri.\n\nTo become a Jhakri is not the core profession of a person who can endure or learn it. Rather it's the prophecy given by Lord Shiva who has the virtue to treat people whenever they are sick. When a person who is destined to be a Jhakri, is born with the wisdom of Jhakri, he usually suffers from various illnesses at a young age. The symptoms include frequent stomach ache, headache, dizziness, back pain, and shivering body which cannot be controlled. In a few cases, the person destined to be a Jhakri even has hallucinations. They will not know the causes yet the illness continues for three to four years. According to Mr. Manbir Khadal, 65-year-old Jhakri said that if a person is destined to be a Jhakri, he behaves very strangely even when in the mother’s womb. He also added that Manbir’s mother had experienced extensive fetal movement and unusual shivering from the premature baby. \nThe divination of a Jhakri will be only born to the person who stays clean, mentally pure, and physically healthy. It sometimes can be related to a person reincarnated as a great lama or Truelku in Buddhism since Jhakri will also be able to predict the past life of a person. Mr. Manbir Khadal also says that with time Jhakri is rarely born. “The current Jhakris’ are all born before 1990. Some of them already immigrated to other countries after the 1990s problem in southern Bhutan”. \n\nLocals shared the importance of having Dhami in their locality because if the patient is sick for a long duration, they get other ways of treating when hospital medicine does not cure them. So, the practice of the Jhakri ritual is still believed and endured by the people across the country as per Deo Maya, the wife of Dhami Manbir Khadal. She says that if a person is suffering from dizziness, and back pain when they are grieved by the local deities/divinity, and if the illness is caused by the evil spirits, they instantly come to visit her husband to do the ritual. \n\nMr. Manbir Khadal had been living in his current village, that is lower Dzomling, for his entire life and his parents too. After he was recognized as a Jhakri, he treated countless patients from different parts of our country. From this we can conclude that the people balance their beliefs in both medical science and spiritual therapy. He said, “A few weeks ago, a quadriplegia (paralyzed from the waist down) girl with her family came to do the Jhakri ritual at my house. When she was coming down towards my house, her guardian was carrying her on his back. After doing the Jhakri ritual, she was alright and able to walk without support.” which means we can say that people still believe in the traditional healing therapy practice in this modern world.

The term Lha means God and Soel means Offering or prayer. The tradition is considered a Bon tradition because the ritual involves only Bon practices. \nAccording to Sam Van Schaik, the Bon tradition, also referred to as the Bonpo religion, probably originated in the eleventh century, as there is no evidence of systematic religion in Tibetan before the arrival of Buddhism, and it was in the eleventh century that the Bon tradition formulated its scriptures, mainly from Termas (hidden treasures) and visions of Tertons (treasure discoverers) such as Loden Nyingpo. Although the Bon Terma contain myths that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school or religious order within Tibetan Buddhism.\n\nBon flourished in Tibet before Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon became less popular. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition was not strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan.\n\nThe Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag (district), such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lhab-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo (male shaman) and Neljorm/Pamo (female shaman) of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of each year prepares the Lhasoel rituals. The tents are pitched near the organizer's house. The Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days.\n\nThe Bon tradition is based entirely on the belief that the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and therefore they take refuge and offer animals as sacrifices.\n\nIn an interview with 68-year-old shaman Aum (elderly woman) Kencho Om from Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag, who has been a Pamo for 25 years, it is said that the Pamos are identical to the Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals.\n\nIt is believed that Pamo continuously persists through the family line. When the practitioner mother dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity or god to choose the legitimate wife among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but they have somehow learned all the chanting that has been transmitted to them through their heredity. \n\nAccording to her, Pamo plays an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life (which normal people cannot do, such as mediate through the mind). The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of energy channels (Tsa), the wind channel (Lung), and the seed channel (Thig-le) in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness in people. \n\nThe Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Kun Lbokator is an ancient Khmer martial arts dating back to at least the Angkorian period, which aims to inculcate and develop mental and physical strength and discipline in its practitioners, by mastering self-defense techniques, while promoting the philosophy of non-violence. It is characterized and distinguished not only a martial arts form but also embodies a certain cultural aspect. For instance, the rituals and social practices observed in Kun Lbokator require that the practitioner possesses knowledge about nature and the universe. \nPractitioners are required to train and master striking and defense techniques relying on their bare arms and legs, and only once a student can demonstrate proficiency is weapons training introduced. Another essential aspect of Kun Lbokator is that it is to be practiced with an ensemble of elements including dance, music, natural medicine, sacred objects and/or amulets, tattoos, and weapons. Masters play a crucial role in the performing aspect of Kun Lbokator because they serve as mediators between the apprentices and the guardian spirits, and thus are responsible for introducing new apprentices to them and the surrounding nature, asking for the apprentices’ protection and safety in training. In return, practitioners are required to show respect to others and take a pledge to become good citizens. \nPresently, Kun Lbokator is still actively performed as part of ritual offerings to local protective deities, Neak Ta as well as in other festive events. Kun Lbokator is an intangible tradition widely practiced among Cambodians, regardless of their age, gender and educational backgrounds or statuses.\n

Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana.\nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.

This is a portion of the traditional Bhutanese masked dance of Cham, rearranged for a solo performer. It is a combination of the ‘Drum Dance’ which represents the victory of good over evil, and the ‘Hero’s Dance’ which contains a message to the god of peace and anger. In Bhutan, Buddhism is more than a religion, being a philosophy that guides its way of life and culture. In this culture of Buddhism, Cham is regarded one of the most unique elements of the Bhutanese Buddist heritage. ‘Cham’ which refers to a type of masked dance performed at rituals, is performed at the annual festivals of temples in the region. The people of Bhutan regard the act of viewing Cham as a spiritual experience, of release from worldly attachments.\n\nCham dancers wear traditional costumes made of silk in the 6 colors of red, white, yellow, green, blue and black. Each color stands for different aspects of nature, red for fire, energy and strength, white for water and peace, yellow for the ground, growth and elevation, green for air and finiteness, blue for the universe and infinity, and black for anger. The masks worn while dancing are carved from wood, depicting saints, wise men, guardian deities and legendary figures. The music is played using cymbals, drums, large and small copper horns, conches and bells.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An excerpt from a Cham (Bhutanese masked ritual dance) adapted for the stage\n\nPerformed by Tsering Dorji\nDirected by Tsering Dorji

Indigenous Medicine of Sri Lanka (Hela Wedakama) is an ancient wisdom tradition of healthcare and healing practices inherited by cultural heritage unique to native people. Indigenous medical knowledge and practices dispersed throughout the country are culture-bound repository of ancestral wisdom prevailed through generations. HELA WEDA MAHIMA is a sector-specific ICH production that presents most of ICH elements pertaining to livelihoods and craftsmanship associated with indigenous medical sector. Therefore selection of captions and stories should be very authentic and genuine to represent the heritage of culture and traditional identities of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka. \n\nAuspicious uprooting of medicine.\nIndigenous medical practitioners respect nature’s healing properties embedded in the plants with the blessings of divine forces dwelling in the trees. They believe that harvesting of such parts from a plant should be done after performing a special ritual. This ritual claims to gain the permission from the deities dwelling in tree.

DVD2_NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES\n\nThe four hereditary musician castes of Nepal are Damai, Gandharba, Kapali, and Badi. The most visible of these are the Damai and the Gandharba musicians. The Kapali are temple musicians and the Badi are drum makers. Damai are required to play for the goddess of the ruling class and also to play at all types of ceremonies and rites of passage, such as weddings and Bratabhandha. They perform in a group known as a panchai baajaa, which is composed of nine musicians playing seven different musical instruments representing the five universal elements of earth, water, fire, air, and sky, of which all matter and living things are composed. The tyamko represents earth, the damaha represents water, the jhurma represents fire, the dholaki represents air, and the narasingaa, sahane, and karnal represent the sky. Panchai baajaa music is believed to keep the elements in balance and harmony and to result in therapeutic musical healing. The Gandharba or Gaine caste musicians traditionally travel from village to village and door to door singing bhajan (hymns), songs from the great Hindu epics, and karkha (historical songs of heroes and bravery), but also bring news. They accompany themselves by playing saarangi.

ICH Video Production in the Asia-Pacific Region : Central Asia\n\nRapid urbanization and westernization are changing the environments in which intangible cultural heritage is rooted. The importance of documentation that traces the effect of social changes on intangible cultural heritage is being emphasized as a safeguarding measure. Quality video documentation is an important resource that enables the conservation and transmission of existing intangible cultural heritage and raises its visibility.\n\nVideo documentation is the best medium to record intangible cultural heritage in the most lifelike manner, using the latest technologies. It is also an effective tool for communicating with the public. However, conditions for video production in the Asia-Pacific remain poor, requiring extensive support for quality video documentation.\n\nICHCAP has been working to build the safeguarding capabilities of Member States and raise the visibility of intangible cultural heritage in the Asia-Pacific by supporting the true-to-life documentation of intangible cultural heritage as this heritage is practiced and cooperating with experts, communities, and NGOs in related fields.\n\nSince 2010, ICHCAP has hosted annual Central Asian sub-regional network meetings with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Mongolia to support the ICH safeguarding activities of Central Asia. Through their collaboration, ICHCAP has supported projects involving collecting ICH information, producing ICH websites, and constructing ICH video archives.\n\nAt the Sixth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Jeonju in 2015, ICHCAP, four Central Asian countries, and Mongolia adopted a second three-year cooperation project plan on producing ICH videos to enhance the visibility of ICH in Central Asia.\n\nICHCAP developed guidelines and training programs for the project and invited video and ICH experts from the participating countries, and held a workshop in November 2015. After the workshop, focal points for the project were designated in each country, and each focal point organization formed an expert meeting and a video production team to produce ICH videos.\n\nInterim reports were submitted to ICHCAP in February 2016, and the first preview screening was held in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, during the Seventh Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in May 2016. Since then, each country has carried out the project according to the project plan. ICHCAP met with each country between October 2016 to February 2017 to check on the project progress.\n\nAfter the final preview screening during the Eighth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in 2017, final editing process took place in each country, and fifty ICH videos were completed by October 2017.\n\nAll photos introduced on this page along with fifty ICH videos are from the exhibition 'Living Heritage: Wisdom of Life' held in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea. Designed for introducing various ICH in the five countries, this exhibition shows photos on representative twenty elements in each country collected during the process of on-site survey and documentation for ICH Video Production Project in Central Asia by experts participated in the ICH video production project.\n\nICHCAP will continue its ICH documentation projects in the Asia-Pacific region for the next ten years by expanding the scope from Central Asia and Mongolia to Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the Pacific.\n\n\nPartners\nMongolian National Commission for UNESCO • National Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Tajikistan for UNESCO • Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage Mongolia • National Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage under the National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • School of Fine Art and Technical Design named after Abylkhan Kasteyev • State Institute of Arts and Culture of Uzbekistan • Tajik film • Tajikistan Research Institute of Culture Information • Korea Educational Broadcasting System • Asia Culture Center\n\nSupporters\nUNESCO Almaty and Tashkent Cluster Offices • Cultural Heritage Administration • Panasonic Korea • Turkish Airlines

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.

Villu pattu means “bow song” A villu pattu consists in singing and playing a bow-shaped instrument, the villu, which is very popular in Tamil Nadu. Though played by one main performer, various members of the group also strike the villu, giving it a unique sound. Traditionally, stories related to gods and deities are performed outside their temples. The Story of Shasta or Ayyanar is popular in Kerala, where the cult of Shasta is strong. This performance is the beginning of the Shasta story and describes the birth of Shasta.

Jagar, from the word jag, means “awake” or “awoken.” Those who sing jagars are Jagariyas. Jagars are akin to ballads and come in many different forms that exist in many parts of India. Their purpose is to wake up deities. The spirits of gods and deities are invoked by singing about them, their deeds and exploits, and by asking for blessings and favors. The Nanda Devi jagar is a religious narrative associated with the Nanda Devi pilgrimage. The pilgrimage of Nanda Devi happens every few decades when the idol of Nanda Devi is carried in a palanquin to her husband Shiva’s abode. This pilgrimage entails a long and arduous journey through a rough terrain and fields of snow. The Hindu goddess Nanda Devi is worshiped in the former Western Himalayan kingdoms of Garhwal and Kumaon, which together make up the modern Indian state of Uttarakhand. During Nanda Devi’s annual festival, in the Hindu months of Bhadrapad and Shravan, her songs are sung by women throughout the state. The jagar of Nanda Devi is an example of a religious ballad that lasts for several hours and can go on through the night. This extract is the very beginning of a commissioned recording made by William Sax in 1981. The original version is six hours long. The performers are the women of Nauti village, District Chamoli, Garhwal, Uttarakhand. This initial part is a local cosmogony in which female forces and goddesses play the major roles, and are summoned. They are followed by the story of the goddess Nanda, a local version of the myth of the goddess Parvati.

CD2_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL. II: EVERYDAY SONGS\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last was in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called Tefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. \n\nThe Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now. NB: The titles given by Arnold Bake have been retained. However, in the notes, places and names have been changed to reflect current designations – e.g. Canarese was changed to Kannada. Place names have also been modified to follow current spelling conventions.\n\nEveryday Songs - The everyday lives of people are what make up the core of intangible cultural heritage (ICH). This selection includes rituals, work songs, devotional and religious songs, as well as common songs that express joys and sorrows. In addition to songs, some tracks include cries and noises, reflecting the wide variety of sounds that Bake recorded.

CD5_SACRED CHANTS OF NEPAL\n\nIt is believed that all spiritual chants are addressed to Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses. Chanting helps people to be aware that the past is gone, that the future has yet to come, and that one can only be sure of the present moment and should act accordingly. People chant to wish for goodness for all beings and to ask God to lead them from darkness to light, from mortal life to immortality, from falsehood to truth, and towards universal brother and sisterhood. One’s life should be dedicated to God's service, offering kindness to all creatures, and always to putting others' needs before one’s own aspirations, hoping to one day attain anandam.

CD3_FOLK SONGS OF NEPAL\n\nNepal is still extremely rich in folk songs, though these are less popular with younger generations. The music culture has traditionally been an oral culture passed down from guru to pupil. Many songs that have never been recorded or written down are thought to have been lost. Fortunately, several enthusiastic folklorists, musicians, singers, and researchers have made collections of folk song lyrics to promulgate them, focusing especially on the rarer and most endangered folk songs. We present here a few examples.

CD5_NARRATIVE TRADITIONS – ORAL EPICS AND BALLADS VOL. II: THE JAGAR AND THE EPIC OF ALHA\n\nOral epics, ballads, and narratives form a major part of the background of rituals, storytelling, and local mythologies – all an important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India. The vast range of oral epics in India, most often sung, also contain recitation and prose that explain the text. The meters vary greatly, and they all have different definitions and terms. For instance, the meter and singing of the Alha is called Alha Chhand. A wide variety of types of performances and expression of this genre exist. Some stories are narrated with scrolls that illustrate episodes. Sometimes, they are acted out, and sometimes sung, as in the case of the paddanas, which are performed while transplanting rice. Stuart Blackburn and Joyce Flueckiger distinguish three kinds of oral epics in India: martial, sacrificial, and romantic. \n\nSome epics tell a story with multiple episodes and characters, and some are “multi-story” oral epics. Oral epics in India are very closely tied to communities, with performers, audience, and participants all belonging to the same community. Most oral epics are associated to rituals, the performance of some being the ritual itself. Caste also plays an important role in the performance or patronage of the oral epic traditions in India. The great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata in some cases, enter the world of these local oral epics, where the performers are considered to be reincarnations of heroes and gods from these epics. According to Komal Kothari, an eminent folklorist of India, this phenomenon happens when the impact of the oral epic spreads beyond its initial local boundaries. Though we are not able to present full performances of all the oral epics, we believe that these recordings provide a good glimpse into the variety of meters, singing styles, and contexts that exist within these traditions. Three oral epics are presented in this volume. They are all part of larger collections, and each one is contributed by an expert on the genre who has done extensive research. The paddanas were contributed by Peter Claus, the Nanda Devi jagar by William Sax, and Alha by Karine Schomer. This album presents extracts from two kinds of narrative traditions that are part of the intangible cultural heritage of two very different traditions and regions of India.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 8 is 'ICH AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AS AN OCCUPATIONAL LIVING.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 28 is 'ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces.'

Oral tradition consists of diverse narratives. It is passed on by word of mouth as everyday wisdom and transmitted through the generations. After that, it becomes infused in a region’s history, philosophy, and way of life, thus forming the foundation for a community’s knowledge systems. This volume introduces traditional tales in Sri Lanka, Palau, Kyrgyzstan, and Vietnam.

Communities in the Asia-Pacific region greet the New Year at different times depending on region and religion. Communities celebrate a new beginning with traditional songs and dances. This volume introduces traditional performing arts to celebrate the beginning of the New Year in Japan, Nepal, Micronesia, and Myanmar.