A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. \n\nThe other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess.\n\nThe origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced.\n\nAccording to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. \n\nThe other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess.\n\nThe origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced.\n\nAccording to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. \n\nThe other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess.\n\nThe origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced.\n\nAccording to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself.

Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in most of the Buddhist countries from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide in’. The Sanskrit term for Yarney is Varsavasa (varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence’) meaning ‘residence for rainy season or residence during rains’. The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney which literally means Summer Retreat. \n\nThe origin of Yarney can be traced back to Lord Buddha some 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and solely depended their sustenance on alms round. However, during summer, it was not practical for Lord Buddha and his Sangha to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours due to heavy monsoon rains.\n\nSummer was also the peak time when insects and worms would reproduce and inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. It was also common trend at that time for Non-Buddhist (Tirthikas) to criticize and accuse the Buddha’s practice of alms round, reasoning that especially during the summer walking around for alms round killed several animals and insects.\n\nSo in order to protect insects and worms being injured or killed while walking as well as crops in the fields from being crushed; or avoid injuring themselves due to the monsoon rains, flooding and displaced wildlife and also to avoid being criticized and accused by non-Buddhists for killing tiny beings, the Buddha established a rule that members of Sangha would not travel during the monsoon rains. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places (monasteries) each summer as summer or rainy season retreat. The place where "Yarney" was observed must be conducive to spiritual and mental development of the monk as one of the main object of observing "Yarney" was to practice meditation besides preaching the Dharma more often to lay devotees. The period for the retreat was determined as three months by lunar calendar and, would usually start in June or July and would continue until sometimes in September or October. Since then, there came into practice formally the precept of observing Yarney – the retreat during summer or the rainy season by Buddhists. \n\nThe Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings (through questions and answers), based on which in the later period of time that the sutras were said to have been written down.

The team of students and young dombra artists from various musical colleges and art communities took part in the festive events for the first National Dombra Day celebration in Almaty. The performance was leaded by the famous artists and musicians.\nFirst celebration of the National Dombra Day had been widely spread in the country. A lot of individual artists and dombra professional and folk orchestra conducted the concert performance at Arbat avenue, popular public place in Almaty.\nThe Dombra is a musical two-stringed instrument, which occupies a special place in Kazakhs’ hearts. The National Dombyra Day has been included in the list of national holidays since 2018 by the decree of the President of Kazakhstan. This was done in in order to further consolidate society around the idea of preserving and reviving national culture and identity. The holiday is celebrated annually on the first Sunday of July.\nKazakhstan’s First President Nursultan Nazarbayev established National Dombra Day on June 12th, 2018. It immediately became a favorite holiday for people and was widely celebrated nationwide with music competitions and festivals.\nDombra belongs to the main symbols of the Kazakh musical heritage and culture. This tool invariably unites people of different professions, religions and nationalities in Kazakhstan. You can meet dombra today in almost every home.\nNone of events in the life of the people could happen without this national musical instrument. Respect for dombra is passed down from generation to generation. So it was in the days of nomads and remains to this day. Interest in dombra, as well as its popularity, is not fading away. Today, an increasing number of young people masterfully own this instrument.

The team of young dombra artists from Kulyash Baiseitova's Musical College took part in the festive events for the first National Dombra Day celebration in Almaty.\nFirst celebration of the National Dombra Day had been widely spread in the country. A lot of individual artists and dombra professional and folk orchestra conducted the concert performance at Arbat avenue, popular public place in Almaty.\nThe Dombra is a musical two-stringed instrument, which occupies a special place in Kazakhs’ hearts. The National Dombyra Day has been included in the list of national holidays since 2018 by the decree of the President of Kazakhstan. This was done in in order to further consolidate society around the idea of preserving and reviving national culture and identity. The holiday is celebrated annually on the first Sunday of July.\nKazakhstan’s First President Nursultan Nazarbayev established National Dombra Day on June 12th, 2018. It immediately became a favorite holiday for people and was widely celebrated nationwide with music competitions and festivals.

The earliest mention of the pattala (pa'tala:) is in the Bago Kalyani Sima lithic inscription of A.D. 1479 enumerating the presents exchanged with the king of present day Sri Lanka. It was mentioned by Court official Twinthin Mingyi in 1798 as one of the six instruments of the anyein (non- dramatic dance and comedy) ensemble. F.A Neilly, author of a book on Thailand, wrote " The Thai xylophone is derived from the Myanmar xylophone which the Myanmar play exceedingly well". Thai Research Society Vol 69 Part 1-2 of January- July 1951 carried long article by USA Kent University School of Music Terry E Miller and Music Department of Shrinaken University researcher Jaran Chaichonperut. War between the two countries made cultural exchange of musical instruments. There is evidence to show that the xylophone was extant earlier in Myanmar than in Thailand.\nEarlier, softwood was used for the mallets. Now they are made of teak, padauk, cutch, yindai or pyinkado. The mallets are eight inches long with a soft knob of cotton, felt or velvet at the tip. The resonance box is usually made of teak and decorated with pieces of glass of various colors and gilt. Earlier the box constituted one body. Now it is made collapsible for easier transportation. Thought the slats are generally bamboo, there can also be brass or iron. The Myanmar pattala is tuned to the diatonic scale. However, Myanmar chau' pau' and hni pau' instead of being equivalent to international E and B notes are a semitone each Lower. The Myanmar pattala covers one octave below middle C and two octaves above thereby encompassing altogether three octaves. The Myanmar pattala is composed of the slats, the resonance box and the mallets. The beginner is trained to first play left and right strikers alternately in the "maun nin:" method of play. Then the student is trained to strike the mallets simultaneously using the "zoun" method. Traditionally, the player tearns to keep to the timing beats by playing the short music piece beginning "htan taya tei: shin" . They the player is taught the combined "htan", the combined "dun", the combined "djan" and the detached "djan".

The earliest mention of the pattala (pa'tala:) is in the Bago Kalyani Sima lithic inscription of A.D. 1479 enumerating the presents exchanged with the king of present day Sri Lanka. It was mentioned by Court official Twinthin Mingyi in 1798 as one of the six instruments of the anyein (non- dramatic dance and comedy) ensemble. F.A Neilly, author of a book on Thailand, wrote " The Thai xylophone is derived from the Myanmar xylophone which the Myanmar play exceedingly well". Thai Research Society Vol 69 Part 1-2 of January- July 1951 carried long article by USA Kent University School of Music Terry E Miller and Music Department of Shrinaken University researcher Jaran Chaichonperut. War between the two countries made cultural exchange of musical instruments. There is evidence to show that the xylophone was extant earlier in Myanmar than in Thailand.\nEarlier, softwood was used for the mallets. Now they are made of teak, padauk, cutch, yindai or pyinkado. The mallets are eight inches long with a soft knob of cotton, felt or velvet at the tip. The resonance box is usually made of teak and decorated with pieces of glass of various colors and gilt. Earlier the box constituted one body. Now it is made collapsible for easier transportation. Thought the slats are generally bamboo, there can also be brass or iron. The Myanmar pattala is tuned to the diatonic scale. However, Myanmar chau' pau' and hni pau' instead of being equivalent to international E and B notes are a semitone each Lower. The Myanmar pattala covers one octave below middle C and two octaves above thereby encompassing altogether three octaves. The Myanmar pattala is composed of the slats, the resonance box and the mallets. The beginner is trained to first play left and right strikers alternately in the "maun nin:" method of play. Then the student is trained to strike the mallets simultaneously using the "zoun" method. Traditionally, the player tearns to keep to the timing beats by playing the short music piece beginning "htan taya tei: shin" . They the player is taught the combined "htan", the combined "dun", the combined "djan" and the detached "djan".

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

ICHCAP, in collaboration with UNESCO Bangkok Office, held the Intangible Cultural Heritage Webinar Series from June to August 2020 with a total of four sessions. The 23 speakers from 18 countries met with the public to grapple with alternative practices and emergent modes of delivery in various areas such as heritage education in the universities, networking amongst educational institutions for ICH safeguarding, development of ICH curricula in times of crisis, as well as inter-regional cooperation for cross-cultural instruction and learning.\n\nWhile the entire world is struggling with the impacts of the COVID-19, the ICH sector also has been hit hard by numerous public health measures such as the cancellation of major festivals and events, temporary shutdown of museums, and places of cultural activities, as well as the indefinite halting of formal and informal heritage transmission activities. How can ICH safeguarding and transmission thrive in the midst of an unprecedented pandemic, and what role can higher education institutions play to ensure the viability of living heritage in our times? ICHCAP organized this webinar series to answer these urgent questions that we all face today.\n\nIn the second session on 2 July 2020, the focus was to have a more detailed grasp of cultural heritage education in universities and how relevant academic programs can be conducted with respect to the “new” normal or a set of behaviors we now have to practice to maintain public health safety. \n\nPRESENTATION1 Pedagogy for ICH and the COVID-19 Pandemic by Neel Kamal Chapagain, Professor, Ahmedabad University, India\nPRESENTATION2 Challenges and Opportunities for Teaching ICH as a Core Knowledge Requirement and Practice within Heritage Education by Kristal Buckley, Lecturer, Deakin University, Australia \nPRESENTATION3 Documentary Film and Narrative Techniques for Architecture Students’ Understanding of Local Cultural Heritage by Nikhil Joshi, Senior Lecturer, National University of Singapore\nPRESENTATION4 Cultural Heritage and COVID-19: Digital Technologies to Support New Forms of Resilience by Danilo Pesce, Postdoctoral Fellow, Polytechnic of Turin, Italy\nPRESENTATION5 Inheritance and Innovation of the Intangible Cultural Heritage during the COVID-19\nPandemic by Jin Jiangbo, Professor, Shanghai University, People’s Republic of China

ICHCAP, in collaboration with UNESCO Bangkok Office, held the Intangible Cultural Heritage Webinar Series from June to August 2020 with a total of four sessions. The 23 speakers from 18 countries met with the public to grapple with alternative practices and emergent modes of delivery in various areas such as heritage education in the universities, networking amongst educational institutions for ICH safeguarding, development of ICH curricula in times of crisis, as well as inter-regional cooperation for cross-cultural instruction and learning.\n\nWhile the entire world is struggling with the impacts of the COVID-19, the ICH sector also has been hit hard by numerous public health measures such as the cancellation of major festivals and events, temporary shutdown of museums, and places of cultural activities, as well as the indefinite halting of formal and informal heritage transmission activities. How can ICH safeguarding and transmission thrive in the midst of an unprecedented pandemic, and what role can higher education institutions play to ensure the viability of living heritage in our times? ICHCAP organized this webinar series to answer these urgent questions that we all face today.\n\nThe third session on 30 July 2020 was an opportunity for the participants, both the invited speakers and the audience, to have a better understanding of networking efforts amongst universities in Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Asia-Pacific. This session, in particular, was a clearer call for inter-regional support and cooperation to push for cross-cultural demonstration of heritage education.\n\nPresentation1 Network of Higher Education Institutions for ICH Safeguarding in Europe by Dr. Cristina Ortega Nuere, Professor, University Oberta of Catalunya\nPresentation2 Network of Higher Education Institutions for ICH Safeguarding in Southern Africa by Dr. Jacob Mapara, Acting Director, Institute of Lifelong Learning and Development\nStudies, Chinhoyi University of Technology\nPresentation3 ReCAPCILAC: A Co-Construction Experience for ICH Safeguarding by Prof. Mónica Guariglio, National University of Avellaneda – UNDAV (Argentina)\nPresentation4 Network of Higher Education Institutions for Heritage Management and ICH Safeguarding in the Asia-Pacific by Injee Kim, Culture Programme Officer, UNESCO Bangkok Office

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

According to statistics data of 2009, Phù lá ethnic minority had over ten thousand people, mostly living in Lào Cai. Phù lá ethnic minority lives in different small hamlets, each of which usually has between ten and fifteen roofs. The Phù lá lives in a region with many other ethnic minorities, such as Hmông, Dao, and Tày. The village elders or chiefs and family heads have a significant role in managing most affairs in the hamlets. The Phù Lá still preserves their traditional culture with the important annual rituals, such as the Lunar New Year (Tết Nguyên Đán), Holly Forest Worship Ceremony (Cúng thần rừng), the July Festival (Tết tháng bảy), the new rice festival at the beginning of October (tết cơm mới đầu tháng 10), Naming ceremony for baby (đặt tên con), funerals (tang ma), etc. Forms of folk music in the lives of Phù Lá people has not been much collected so far. The musical piece “A happy tune” is a solo for a string instrument meant to entertain Phù lá people. This is one of the few Phù lá recordings. It was recorded by the Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.

Vakalutuivoce is a traditional duet chant performed by men, usually from the fisherfolk clan in the maritime islands and coastal communities of the larger islands. The chants usually tell of the successful fishing expeditions of the fisherfolk clans. \nContents may vary but usually hinge upon fishing and the coastal environment. For communities located in the islands of the larger islands, these chants are called Vakavunigasau. \nThe Vakavunigasau is a functional chant associated with tugging logs. It is constantly chanted at the construction of a house and aims to help break the monotony, boredom, and heaviness of labor. It also inculcates a sense of solidarity and unity among workers and keeps the work proceeding at a methodical and companionable rate. The singing style of Vakalutuivoce is parallel to that of Vakavunigasau. For example, a melody is added as an accompaniment to another melody.

Meke, a type of traditional Fijian dance, is the repository of Fijian oral culture and served as a unifying factor in Fijian society before the arrival of Christianity. The musical form of meke is a Fijian polyphony composed around tonal center. It has short intervals and comprises seconds (major and minor), thirds (major), fourths, and occasionally fifths. The melodic movement is small and mostly stepwise with the laga (principal line) in the middle. The laga is the lead singer of the meke and sets the tempo and pitch. \n\nAbove the laga is the tagica (meaning “to chime in”) and below is the druku (bass). There are duet riffs involving the laga and tagica sung in a close polyphony of seconds, thirds, occasionally fourths, and unison. The chorus involves all the singers and is usually in a block chordal pattern. There may be two more parts: vakasalavoavoa (a descant), the highest part, sung above the tagica; and the vaqiqivatu (tenor part), weaving a polyphonic line between the bass and the laga and providing harmonic interest without being integral to the whole. \n\nThere are meke for every occasion. Some are regional (i.e., a collaboration of villages and districts) and some are collective: from those sung within the family and extended groups to the very large and impressive dance meke involving hundreds of participants. All of them form the Fijian musical canon together with instruments such as lali (large slit drums), lali ni meke (small lali for meke), derua (bamboo stamping tubes), and cobo (clapping with cupped hands). \n\nThere are other instruments such as the davui (end-blown triton shell) and the dulali (nose flute), but these instruments are not included in meke performance. The actual singing of meke involves a number of performers: men, women, and children in any combination, sitting in a tight circle around the leaders. Texts of meke are arranged in stanzas and composed in an indigenous, oral poetic style. There are no limits to the number or the length of the stanzas; rhythm and rhyme are paramount.

The northern mountainous regions are the residential land of the Kinh people and twenty-eight out of fifty-four ethnic minorities in Vietnam. This land has diverse forms of folk culture in general and folk music in particular. The CD, Folk Music of Some Ethnic Minorities in the Northern Mountainous Regions of Vietnam introduces some repertoires of folk music that were recorded in 1959 (tracks 1, 2, 5, and 7), in 1964 (tracks 10 and 15) and in 1970 (tracks 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, and 16) and performed by folk artists from minority ethnic groups, such as Thái, Tày, Nùng, Cao lan, Phù lá, Hmông, of the northern mountainous regions. Although the sound quality of the recordings isn’t that good, the materials will be valuable to history and art researchers and those who love folk music. The recordings allow listeners to compare folk art of a time that was almost isolated with the outside world with folk art of our time—the time of Internet.

This selection introduces Yapese traditions and customs with a focus on traditional dances and attire. It also describes how traditional Yapese dances help transmit knowledge and moral lessons through the lyrics and words used in the dances. Different types of Yapese traditional attire are explained by gender and occasion.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 28 is 'ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 42 is 'ICH FESTIVALS ON THE SILK ROAD.'

This book contains the presentation and discussion of the above international conference in the form of an online strategic meeting with Webinar, and the first chapter contains webinar presentations on the theme of Life, Environment and Intangible Heritage of Silk Road. In addition, Chapter 2 contains rich examples of the diversity of intangible cultural heritage festivals, and chapters 3 and 4 contain network construction methods and presentations on joint cooperation projects through networks, respectively. In addition, a summary of each presentation and discussion on each topic were included, along with recommendations to create the Silk Road Intangible Heritage Network for 2021.

The sixth sub-regional networking meeting took place in Pacific Harbor, Fiji, in April 2015. The meeting was organized by ICHCAP and the Department of Heritage and Arts of Fiji in collaboration with the UNESCO Office in Apia.\nThis meeting report includes presentation materials from the sub-regional meeting as well as summaries of the meeting with the intent of providing information to promote international cooperation among experts and institutions in the ICH safeguarding field in the Pacific region.