December 23rd and 24th of every lunar year are, for Mongolians, the days of worshiping fire. The worshiping of fire of the Mongols has traversed many centuries, undergone various changes, and adapted to diverse local spaces, but its general tenor is the same. The preparation for worship is the first act of these rituals. Then the fire deity is invited. Offerings are made to them. Then the ode to fire is recited, and a prayer and statement for fire deities and a benediction are uttered. Then we entrust the fire deity to make the devotees healthy and wealthy and solicit offering in a melodious tune. The offerings of worship were shared with all the participants.

Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. \n\nThese sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. \n\nWhether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities witnessed during the intermediate state of all the sentient beings. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death.\n\nTsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their \ntradition.\n

Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. \n\nThese sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. \n\nWhether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities visualized in the meditative state of a spiritual being. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death.\n\nTsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their \ntradition.

Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. \n\nThese sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. \n\nWhether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities witnessed during the intermediate state of all the sentient beings. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death.\n\nTsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their \ntradition.\n

Namaste! A legendary Lakhe is one of the cultural symbols of Newar indigenous community of Nepal. Its flamboyant mask dance performance is jubilant to watch during Newar festivals. A terrifying Lakhe however able to assimilate with local community and became a popular household name has certainly assure its existence. \n\nDevi Nach.\nMajipa Lakhe is visited by Devi Nach performers from neighboring village. They will perform along with living goddess-Kumari, Bhairab, Ganesh, Dasha Avatars, Pulukishi and other deities in eight-days procession.

Kun Lbokator is an ancient Khmer martial arts dating back to at least the Angkorian period, which aims to inculcate and develop mental and physical strength and discipline in its practitioners, by mastering self-defense techniques, while promoting the philosophy of non-violence. It is characterized and distinguished not only a martial arts form but also embodies a certain cultural aspect. For instance, the rituals and social practices observed in Kun Lbokator require that the practitioner possesses knowledge about nature and the universe. \nPractitioners are required to train and master striking and defense techniques relying on their bare arms and legs, and only once a student can demonstrate proficiency is weapons training introduced. Another essential aspect of Kun Lbokator is that it is to be practiced with an ensemble of elements including dance, music, natural medicine, sacred objects and/or amulets, tattoos, and weapons. Masters play a crucial role in the performing aspect of Kun Lbokator because they serve as mediators between the apprentices and the guardian spirits, and thus are responsible for introducing new apprentices to them and the surrounding nature, asking for the apprentices’ protection and safety in training. In return, practitioners are required to show respect to others and take a pledge to become good citizens. \nPresently, Kun Lbokator is still actively performed as part of ritual offerings to local protective deities, Neak Ta as well as in other festive events. Kun Lbokator is an intangible tradition widely practiced among Cambodians, regardless of their age, gender and educational backgrounds or statuses.\n

Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana.\nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.

The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. \n\nKharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. \n\nThe village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.

ICH Video Production in the Asia-Pacific Region : Central Asia\n\nRapid urbanization and westernization are changing the environments in which intangible cultural heritage is rooted. The importance of documentation that traces the effect of social changes on intangible cultural heritage is being emphasized as a safeguarding measure. Quality video documentation is an important resource that enables the conservation and transmission of existing intangible cultural heritage and raises its visibility.\n\nVideo documentation is the best medium to record intangible cultural heritage in the most lifelike manner, using the latest technologies. It is also an effective tool for communicating with the public. However, conditions for video production in the Asia-Pacific remain poor, requiring extensive support for quality video documentation.\n\nICHCAP has been working to build the safeguarding capabilities of Member States and raise the visibility of intangible cultural heritage in the Asia-Pacific by supporting the true-to-life documentation of intangible cultural heritage as this heritage is practiced and cooperating with experts, communities, and NGOs in related fields.\n\nSince 2010, ICHCAP has hosted annual Central Asian sub-regional network meetings with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Mongolia to support the ICH safeguarding activities of Central Asia. Through their collaboration, ICHCAP has supported projects involving collecting ICH information, producing ICH websites, and constructing ICH video archives.\n\nAt the Sixth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Jeonju in 2015, ICHCAP, four Central Asian countries, and Mongolia adopted a second three-year cooperation project plan on producing ICH videos to enhance the visibility of ICH in Central Asia.\n\nICHCAP developed guidelines and training programs for the project and invited video and ICH experts from the participating countries, and held a workshop in November 2015. After the workshop, focal points for the project were designated in each country, and each focal point organization formed an expert meeting and a video production team to produce ICH videos.\n\nInterim reports were submitted to ICHCAP in February 2016, and the first preview screening was held in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, during the Seventh Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in May 2016. Since then, each country has carried out the project according to the project plan. ICHCAP met with each country between October 2016 to February 2017 to check on the project progress.\n\nAfter the final preview screening during the Eighth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in 2017, final editing process took place in each country, and fifty ICH videos were completed by October 2017.\n\nAll photos introduced on this page along with fifty ICH videos are from the exhibition 'Living Heritage: Wisdom of Life' held in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea. Designed for introducing various ICH in the five countries, this exhibition shows photos on representative twenty elements in each country collected during the process of on-site survey and documentation for ICH Video Production Project in Central Asia by experts participated in the ICH video production project.\n\nICHCAP will continue its ICH documentation projects in the Asia-Pacific region for the next ten years by expanding the scope from Central Asia and Mongolia to Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the Pacific.\n\n\nPartners\nMongolian National Commission for UNESCO • National Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Tajikistan for UNESCO • Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage Mongolia • National Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage under the National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • School of Fine Art and Technical Design named after Abylkhan Kasteyev • State Institute of Arts and Culture of Uzbekistan • Tajik film • Tajikistan Research Institute of Culture Information • Korea Educational Broadcasting System • Asia Culture Center\n\nSupporters\nUNESCO Almaty and Tashkent Cluster Offices • Cultural Heritage Administration • Panasonic Korea • Turkish Airlines

Jagar, from the word jag, means “awake” or “awoken.” Those who sing jagars are Jagariyas. Jagars are akin to ballads and come in many different forms that exist in many parts of India. Their purpose is to wake up deities. The spirits of gods and deities are invoked by singing about them, their deeds and exploits, and by asking for blessings and favors. The Nanda Devi jagar is a religious narrative associated with the Nanda Devi pilgrimage. The pilgrimage of Nanda Devi happens every few decades when the idol of Nanda Devi is carried in a palanquin to her husband Shiva’s abode. This pilgrimage entails a long and arduous journey through a rough terrain and fields of snow. The Hindu goddess Nanda Devi is worshiped in the former Western Himalayan kingdoms of Garhwal and Kumaon, which together make up the modern Indian state of Uttarakhand. During Nanda Devi’s annual festival, in the Hindu months of Bhadrapad and Shravan, her songs are sung by women throughout the state. The jagar of Nanda Devi is an example of a religious ballad that lasts for several hours and can go on through the night. This extract is the very beginning of a commissioned recording made by William Sax in 1981. The original version is six hours long. The performers are the women of Nauti village, District Chamoli, Garhwal, Uttarakhand. This initial part is a local cosmogony in which female forces and goddesses play the major roles, and are summoned. They are followed by the story of the goddess Nanda, a local version of the myth of the goddess Parvati.

CD3_FOLK SONGS OF NEPAL\n\nNepal is still extremely rich in folk songs, though these are less popular with younger generations. The music culture has traditionally been an oral culture passed down from guru to pupil. Many songs that have never been recorded or written down are thought to have been lost. Fortunately, several enthusiastic folklorists, musicians, singers, and researchers have made collections of folk song lyrics to promulgate them, focusing especially on the rarer and most endangered folk songs. We present here a few examples.

CD2_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL. II: EVERYDAY SONGS\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last was in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called Tefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. \n\nThe Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now. NB: The titles given by Arnold Bake have been retained. However, in the notes, places and names have been changed to reflect current designations – e.g. Canarese was changed to Kannada. Place names have also been modified to follow current spelling conventions.\n\nEveryday Songs - The everyday lives of people are what make up the core of intangible cultural heritage (ICH). This selection includes rituals, work songs, devotional and religious songs, as well as common songs that express joys and sorrows. In addition to songs, some tracks include cries and noises, reflecting the wide variety of sounds that Bake recorded.

CD5_NARRATIVE TRADITIONS – ORAL EPICS AND BALLADS VOL. II: THE JAGAR AND THE EPIC OF ALHA\n\nOral epics, ballads, and narratives form a major part of the background of rituals, storytelling, and local mythologies – all an important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India. The vast range of oral epics in India, most often sung, also contain recitation and prose that explain the text. The meters vary greatly, and they all have different definitions and terms. For instance, the meter and singing of the Alha is called Alha Chhand. A wide variety of types of performances and expression of this genre exist. Some stories are narrated with scrolls that illustrate episodes. Sometimes, they are acted out, and sometimes sung, as in the case of the paddanas, which are performed while transplanting rice. Stuart Blackburn and Joyce Flueckiger distinguish three kinds of oral epics in India: martial, sacrificial, and romantic. \n\nSome epics tell a story with multiple episodes and characters, and some are “multi-story” oral epics. Oral epics in India are very closely tied to communities, with performers, audience, and participants all belonging to the same community. Most oral epics are associated to rituals, the performance of some being the ritual itself. Caste also plays an important role in the performance or patronage of the oral epic traditions in India. The great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata in some cases, enter the world of these local oral epics, where the performers are considered to be reincarnations of heroes and gods from these epics. According to Komal Kothari, an eminent folklorist of India, this phenomenon happens when the impact of the oral epic spreads beyond its initial local boundaries. Though we are not able to present full performances of all the oral epics, we believe that these recordings provide a good glimpse into the variety of meters, singing styles, and contexts that exist within these traditions. Three oral epics are presented in this volume. They are all part of larger collections, and each one is contributed by an expert on the genre who has done extensive research. The paddanas were contributed by Peter Claus, the Nanda Devi jagar by William Sax, and Alha by Karine Schomer. This album presents extracts from two kinds of narrative traditions that are part of the intangible cultural heritage of two very different traditions and regions of India.

CD4_NARRATIVE TRADITIONS – ORAL EPICS AND BALLADS VOL. I: THE TULU PADDANA\n\nOral epics, ballads, and narratives form a major part of the background of rituals, storytelling, and local mythologies – all an important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India. The vast range of oral epics in India, most often sung, also contain recitation and prose that explain the text. The meters vary greatly, and they all have different definitions and terms. For instance, the meter and singing of the Alha is called Alha Chhand. A wide variety of types of performances and expression of this genre exist. Some stories are narrated with scrolls that illustrate episodes. Sometimes, they are acted out, and sometimes sung, as in the case of the paddanas, which are performed while transplanting rice. Stuart Blackburn and Joyce Flueckiger distinguish three kinds of oral epics in India: martial, sacrificial, and romantic. Some epics tell a story with multiple episodes and characters, and some are “multi-story” oral epics. Oral epics in India are very closely tied to communities, with performers, audience, and participants all belonging to the same community. Most oral epics are associated to rituals, the performance of some being the ritual itself. Caste also plays an important role in the performance or patronage of the oral epic traditions in India. \n\nThe great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata in some cases, enter the world of these local oral epics, where the performers are considered to be reincarnations of heroes and gods from these epics. According to Komal Kothari, an eminent folklorist of India, this phenomenon happens when the impact of the oral epic spreads beyond its initial local boundaries. Though we are not able to present full performances of all the oral epics, we believe that these recordings provide a good glimpse into the variety of meters, singing styles, and contexts that exist within these traditions. Three oral epics are presented in this volume. They are all part of larger collections, and each one is contributed by an expert on the genre who has done extensive research. The paddanas were contributed by Peter Claus, the Nanda Devi jagar by William Sax, and Alha by Karine Schomer.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 4 is 'ICH AND ORAL TRADITIONS'.

Together with the UNESCO National Commissions in the Central Asia, the Seventh Central Asi Sub-regional Meeting on the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage was held between 16 and 18 May at Dushanbe, Tajikistan.\n\nThe report includes papers of the thematic symposium on Sacred Cultural Spaces, Safeguarding ICH and Enhancing Identity and country reports.

Oral tradition consists of diverse narratives. It is passed on by word of mouth as everyday wisdom and transmitted through the generations. After that, it becomes infused in a region’s history, philosophy, and way of life, thus forming the foundation for a community’s knowledge systems. This volume introduces traditional tales in Sri Lanka, Palau, Kyrgyzstan, and Vietnam.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 8 is 'ICH AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AS AN OCCUPATIONAL LIVING.'