At the age of 72, Sarsenbai Kotyrashev, a retired blacksmith from the village of Ulytau in Kazakhstan, set out on a remarkable solo journey — walking over 8,000 kilometers across all 17 regions of the country. With a handmade cart and the flag of Kazakhstan waving behind him, Sarsenbai’s mission was not only personal but deeply patriotic. His goal was to promote Ulytau, the historical and spiritual heart of Kazakhstan, and revive cultural traditions such as the Kokmaysa festival and the ancient koumiss ritual Kymyzmuryndyk.\n\nAlong the way, he shared stories of Ulytau’s rich heritage, sacred sites, and the legacy of Kazakh craftsmanship, working in collaboration with UNESCO to document intangible cultural heritage. Despite his age, Sarsenbai averaged 40 kilometers a day, enduring harsh weather, rough terrain, and physical challenges—all while being supported by a small team of medics monitoring him remotely.\n\nHis journey captivated the nation and turned him into a cultural icon. But Sarsenbai didn’t stop there. In 2023, at 73, he announced an even more ambitious dream: to walk around the world. Starting from Atyrau, Kazakhstan, his planned route spans Europe, the United States, China, and back to Central Asia. Through every step, he continues to raise awareness of Kazakh culture, identity, and resilience, proving that it’s never too late to follow your dreams — and inspire a nation in the process.

Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.

Kymyz, a traditional Kyrgyz beverage, is made of fermented mare’s milk. It was first prepared and used by the nomadic tribes of Central Asia and Mongolia. The earliest found traces of kymyz are from Neolithic period (some 5,500 years ago). Found in the valley of Suusamyr other relics were goatskin leather bags with traces of mare’s milk, indicating the presence of kymyz.\n\nKymyz preparation was kept secret by nomads for centuries. The mare’s milk is stored in animal skins called chanach that were firstly cleaned and smoked over a fire with pine or other coniferous branches to give the drink its unique smell and taste.

Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.

Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.

Rickshaw is considered one of the most popular transport vehicles in Bangladesh. Millions of rickshaws can be seen all over the country. It is one of the most easy-to-get and traditional vehicles in this region. Basically, this is a three-wheeled pedicab driven by a person who is generally called 'rickshaw-wala'. It is required to put hard physical labor to drive this vehicle. Most of the Asian nations have their own form of this primitive transportation. But, in Bangladesh, the vibrant, colorful designs on rickshaw has taken it to another level of aesthetics and craftsmanship. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels of the vehicle is the main attraction of the whole artwork. This is what you generally refer to as rickshaw painting- a genre of art that is unique to the Bengali culture. Sometimes it resembles rural life, sometimes historic incidents or movie stars or surreal thoughts, essentially to attract the passengers. This is a traditional Bangladeshi urban folk art form that represents the culture, history, and livelihood of common people. In reality, every rickshaw is a single mobile piece of art.\n\nThe themes of rickshaw painting are a bit different in different cities. In Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, the paintings are more vibrant than the paintings Chittagong region, and you can also notice the difference in Rajshahi or other regions. But most of the time It includes the colorful paint of birds, flowers, village scenery, liberation war, cinema poster, cities, mythology, animals, human beings, national monuments, etc. Even sometimes global incidents inspire the artisans. There were rickshaw paintings in Dhaka based on the incidence of the collapse of twin towers in the United States of America.\nThe rickshaw painters are considered as traditional folk artists. Their arts are sometimes considered as people's art. There are different types of rickshaw painters. Mostly they are less educated. They are the people who have been working in rickshaw garages. If you visit the rickshaw garages you may find elderly people who have been painting for decades. This is somehow a pearl of local wisdom. Most of the early artisans self-taught. They have no institutional training or knowledge of painting. However, their colorful vibrant paintings on rickshaw show their craftsmanship, skill, and level of imagination and observation power. These paintings on the body of the rickshaw can easily catch someone's eye which is the main reason behind rickshaw painting- to attract passengers. nThe painters reflect their own likings and desires in their paint as well as the desires of the people who are ordering the painting. They also consider the likings of the passengers whom we call rickshaw-jatri. The decoration and painting attract the general riders. They enjoy watching this piece of art.\n\nWe can see some challenges nowadays, in terms of keep going on with this traditional form of art because of mechanization, modernization, and urbanization. Rickshaws are gradually being withdrawn from selected streets of the larger cities. There is a doubt that this will eventually affect the traditional art form. If this continues to happen, the big cities will have no more rickshaws which is really a big threat to the art form. Some people also oppose rickshaw pulling because this is a very hard physical labor-oriented occupation. But if rickshaw gets withdrawn from the big cities there will be a risk to lose the tradition and it will affect the economy and living of the people related to this. nThe traditional artisans of rickshaw painting are somehow facing some problems to keep going on with their traditional livelihood. They complain that they are not getting enough earing from rickshaw painting these days. They paint rickshaws with their hands. But nowadays there are other available digital paint forms like screen printing which costs three or four times less than the hand paintings. So the rickshaw owners are preferring to buy these screen printings. nRickshaw painting is one of the most tangible forms of intangible cultural practice. This art is considered 'peoples art. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels, leaves a trail of passion that the Rickshaw artist puts in his creations. This craftsmanship requires knowledge and skills which is transmitted from the early rickshaw painters themselves. nSome young students of Charukola, Dhaka University; one of the most influential fine arts institutes of the country, have expressed their thoughts on the safeguarding of this unique art form. They are also trying to revitalize this traditional form of art. They are trying to make it popular among the urban upper and middle-class society. They suggested using this form of art on other products like dresses, mobile phones, and other accessories. nAs the genre of the rickshaw paint is dying down due to digital printing and other such technologies, some young Bangladeshi artists are trying to bring back rickshaw art and promote it by hand painting on modern, innovative products. They are trying to convert the traditional form of rickshaw art into a modern form of art. \n\nThe youth of Bangladesh is very much connected to this intangible cultural heritage and they are finding their way to safeguard and promote it in this era of digital printing. While we can feel the risk of diminishing this art form, It is a light that young people who are parts of institutional or formal fine arts are trying to safeguard and promote the knowledge and tradition of the painting. They are also taking steps to preserve and protect the form of art .

Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

As a UNESCO category 2 center, ICHCAP organized the youth ICH storytelling contest with the aim to support ICH safeguarding activities of young practitioners. Youth practitioners play an essential role, as ICH relies on direct transmission among community members. Their activities and involvement will hopefully contribute to raising awareness of ICH worth protecting. The story below won the Grand Prize of the 2019 Asia-Pacific Youth ICH Storytelling Contest. \n\n---------------------------------\nThe Hát Bội is Vietnamese intangible traditional performing art which has taken shape, developed during Vietnam history and is still preserved. The Hát Bội is form of traditonal opera which has a 500 old year long history of development in Vietnam. It contains features close to the culture in many other countries in Asia. My name is Anh Quan, I am sophomore of The Ho Chi Minh City University of Culture in Vietnam. \n\nWhen I started in junior high school, I had opportunity to study and enjoy The Hát Bội. These images, stage, eyes, gestures of The Hát Bội are so excited. But I strongly impress by artists’ face. This emotion is always with me in my thoughts. When I have been a student. Immediately, I go to The Ho Chi Minh city Hát Bội Theater to learn more about this art. Hát Bội relies on the principles of symbolization and stylization. These principles prodoundly influence Hát Bội typical dance/ gesture and makeup by which Hát Bội in distinguished from other traditional performing arts. Being the essences of Hát Bội, gesture and dance are perfomrmed based on several rules of symbolization and stylization with the aim of sophisticatedly expressing the feeling and emotion of characters and other implications of plays. These artists of Hát Bội have to understand very well about principles of symbolization and stylization and when they makeup and. Makeup is definitely the outward essence Hát Bội indicate the specific and personality of every character. The articial materials for making-up a disguise includes as followings: Multi-colours-lipsitcks, powder in multi-colors, the balckening-wax or the ash-like-black powder, the zinc-powder in golden-red– a mixture of the deep-red and golden powder, powder in blue, in green, and in yellow. With many special kinds of professional tools, such as: Tooth sticks, fingernail like kinife flat which look like a spoon – flat and made of wood.\n\nI observe artists makeup , I dream that i can makeup like them. I want to pursue my dream of being one of characters of Hát Bội. With the help of Thanh Bình Artist, I have fulfilled my dream. I feel virtuosity, sophistication and passion of Thanh Binh Artist when he makeup for me.\nThe face painting in an original feature in Hát Bội as well as in some forms of opera in Southeast Asia .The make-up in Hát Bội ( chiefly for male personages , rarely for female ones) includes three main parts : painting the complexion, drawing lines on the face and pasting false beards. There is nothing called the realistic things to identify but absolutely living - symbols in the art of the Hát Bội with its speical ways of disguiting for whole characters at all.\n \nLooking at the face makeup, the audiences can understand wether a character is good or bad, loyal or disloyal, etc. Below are some basic colour used in Hát Bội makeupnRed: Loyal, unyielding personnWhite: artful flatterernGreen: intelligent person or person with venturesome spirit or short lifenYellow: gentle and virtuous personnBlack: Furious and vigorous personnThat is the dialectics of the art of theatrical masks attained by masterly (mask makers, makeup, artist). nThe above special things may be generally get a common concept for us all to comprehend some intersted – things in many kinds of the characters and characteristics in traditional culture and art of the Hát Bội. \n\nThe Hát Bội has any characters. Currently, plays of Hát Bội are mainly performed at the temple (or shrine). The young generation do not strongly like the traditional art include The Hát Bội. Few young people are passionate about traditional art, this situation make the training for young people quite so difficult. For make youth generation learn more about The Hát Bội. Over the past years, The Ho Chi Minh city Hát Bội Theater has organized program called “The school stage” to introduce The Hát Bội to pupils and students.\n\nThis program around the content: history of formation and development of The Hát Bội, dance, and makeup art. Besides that, performance of historical topics, excerpts about children to raise patriotism, hope students have the opportunity to learn more about The Hát Bội. I think this working is very well for young people. That thing will make me and young people will love and have positive emotion with the traditonal stage. I hope The Ho Chi Minh city Hát Bội Theater always create other program to performance for community. To get deeply understanding about Hát Bội, warmly welcome to The Ho Chi Minh city Hát Bội Theater – Vietnam. I am so happy when I have chance to get experience and share excited valid content of The Hát Bội for every body. Vietnam also has so many traditonal arts. The Hát Bội is one of them. For protecting and delivering The Hát Bội, I think the young generation have to focus on studing intangible culture of country. I aslo contribute a little working for do that. I hope other young person will do that like me. I am going to keep my passion to learn more about traditonal of Vietnam also the other coutries over the world. Vietnam - a friendly destinaton always warmly welcome all of you, we have so many stories to talk with you. When you meet me together, I am going to “play” the Hát Bội for you. Because I really become “an actor” of The Hát Bội by my heart in my dream.

▶ Play Video 7. The T’boli A People Who Live with Art\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on September 19, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe T’boli (Tagabili, Tiboli), together with the B’laan to the east and Teduray to the north, are in a single language group distinct from the remaining language groups of Mindanao. The T’boli traditionally live in scattered ettlements in the highlands of southwestern Mindanao, in the province of South Cotabato. The cultural communities surround the complex of highland lakes—Lake Sebu, Lake Selutan, and Lake Lahit. Settlements are composed of family clusters of fifteen or more households. Clusters are at elevations averaging 3,000 feet above sea level. Recently, these settlements have grown to comprise thirty or more households. Each settlement has a ceremonial house called a gono bong (big house). Members of such communities are usually related by kinship.\n\nThe T’boli practice swidden farming, cultivating highland rice (teneba), the staple food, potato, sugar cane, taro, and sweet potato. Corn and coffee are considered cash crops. Owning a horse is an indicator of economic status. Forests function as the main source of food, and the main source of protein is lake fish.\n\nThe T’boli are noted for their backstrap loom textile, t’nalak, which is woven from tie-dyed abaca fiber. Personal ornaments made of multicolored beads and embroidered blouses and hats are other notable features of the T’boli. Small household metal industries use the lost-wax process to manufacture cast brass bolo handles, figurines and betel-nut containers, and other ornaments.\n\nWhile the kinship system is bilateral, there is a strong male dominance. The father leads the household, and the oldest male leads joint and extended families. The oldest male child takes over this dominance upon the death of the father. If there is no son, lomolo is practiced, whereby the father’s eldest brother assumes the wealth of the deceased and claims the latter’s wife as his own.\n\nThe communities are also linked through a recognized leader, the datu, who does not officially command but whose word is respected because of his status, economic means, reputed courage, skill in settling disputes, and wisdom in the interpretation of custom laws. The position is achieved through community validation. He traditionally acquires rights over a person for whom he has paid an unsettled debt.\n\nA major social ritual of the T’boli is the mo-ninum, which is usually celebrated for a marriage and includes a multilateral exchange of articles of wealth (kimu). After six ceremonial feasts, for which the families take turns being hosts (moken) and guests (mulu), the ceremony climaxes with the marriage itself. The whole cycle may take many years to complete and sometimes results in the construction of a gono mo-ninum, a huge house that can accommodate more than two hundred people.\n\nMaguindanaoMandayaKalingaSubanonTagalogManobo

Simple in design but rich in cultural significance, the Lakadou is a traditional musical instrument made entirely from bamboo, found in various rural communities of Timor-Leste. Often carved from a single stalk, it stands as a testament to the ingenuity of ancestral craftsmanship—an instrument that produces sound not with strings or metal, but with tensioned strips of its own body.\n\nThe process of making a Lakadou begins with selecting the right kind of bamboo—neither too young nor too old—so that it is flexible yet strong. Using only a knife or a small carving tool, the outer layer of the bamboo is partially sliced into thin, horizontal strips along the stalk, which remain attached at both ends. These strips act as the instrument’s “strings.” Small wooden pegs or bridges are then inserted beneath them to lift the strips slightly, allowing them to vibrate when plucked.\n\nWhen played, the Lakadou emits a warm, buzzing resonance that can be heard clearly in quiet, open-air settings. The tones are soft yet sharp, melodic yet earthy—reflecting both the material and the environment from which it is made. Each Lakadou has its own pitch and personality, depending on the size of the bamboo and the placement of the tuning pegs.\n\nTraditionally, the Lakadou was played during rituals, agricultural festivals, and informal gatherings. It could accompany dance, storytelling, or simply be enjoyed as a solo instrument under the shade of a tree. It was sometimes played to express emotions—joy, longing, or sorrow—or to pass the time during communal labor in the fields.\n\nWhat makes the Lakadou especially significant is its status as a self-contained instrument. It does not require any additional materials beyond the bamboo itself—no strings, no nails, no external fasteners—just natural design and human skill. This reflects a traditional ethos of sustainability and resourcefulness, values still highly regarded in rural Timorese life.\n\nWhile the instrument is still known in some communities today, its presence is fading. Younger generations are more familiar with modern instruments, and the skill of crafting Lakadou is no longer widely practiced or passed down. In some places, only a handful of elders remember how to make and play it, and the sound of the Lakadou has become rare in daily village life.\n\nEfforts to preserve the Lakadou are growing, however. Cultural festivals, school workshops, and local storytelling events have begun reintroducing the instrument as a piece of Timor-Leste’s musical heritage. Some artisans are even experimenting with new forms, adapting traditional techniques to contemporary performances.\n\nAs a musical tool, the Lakadou is humble. But as an expression of cultural identity, it speaks volumes. In its structure, sound, and spirit, it tells the story of a people who shaped their art from the land around them—and who, with care, may yet continue to do so for generations to come.

Elegant, joyful, and rooted in everyday village life, Bidu Lensu-Mutin—the White Handkerchief Dance—is one of the most beloved traditional dances in the Suai Loro community of Covalima, Timor-Leste. Performed by young girls with white scarves in hand, the dance is a celebration of welcome, harmony, and feminine grace, passed from mother to daughter over generations.\n\nThe name lensu-mutin comes from the Tetun words for “white handkerchief,” which the dancers carry as they move in coordinated steps and gestures. The origin story, widely shared in oral tradition, speaks of seven girls who danced with white scarves to welcome their community members back from a corn harvest. Their spontaneous joy and coordinated movements captured the spirit of unity and gratitude, and the dance has been cherished ever since.\n\nPerformed during weddings, religious celebrations, community gatherings, and rituals involving sacred houses (uma lulik), Bidu Lensu-Mutin carries layers of meaning. The white scarf symbolizes purity, blessing, and good intentions. Dancers use it to wave, twirl, and gesture in graceful arcs, often moving in circular or serpentine formations that reflect the flowing rhythm of traditional life.\n\nAccompanied by soft babadok drumming and gentle singing in the Tetun-Terik language, the dance creates an atmosphere of warmth and welcome. The songs, often metaphorical, may include blessings for the couple in a wedding, prayers for peace in a community, or expressions of joy and connection. In some versions of the performance, older women sing while the younger girls dance, creating a multigenerational moment of transmission.\n\nLearning the dance happens organically within families and the community. Young girls imitate their older sisters, mothers, and aunts at ceremonies or home gatherings. In recent years, schools have also incorporated the dance into cultural programs and performances, ensuring its continued presence in the lives of younger generations.\n\nWhat sets Bidu Lensu-Mutin apart is its gentle spirit and universal appeal. It does not require elaborate costumes or formal training—just the willingness to move together with grace and intention. The dance represents a form of cultural continuity that is deeply tied to everyday experiences and shared values: welcoming guests, honoring ancestors, and expressing collective joy.\n\nThough still widely practiced in Suai Loro and surrounding communities, cultural leaders recognize the importance of continued teaching and celebration. As modern influences shape young people’s interests and identities, Bidu Lensu-Mutin offers a graceful reminder of the beauty found in tradition and the strength found in unity.

Tebe-tebe is one of the most widely practiced and deeply cherished traditional dances in Timor-Leste. Rooted in communal identity and spiritual expression, it is performed during a wide range of ceremonies—rituals of healing and harvest, weddings, sacred house gatherings (uma lulik), and commemorative events that bring entire communities together.\n\nAt its core, tebe-tebe is a line or circle dance performed by groups of people—often with women and men linking arms or shoulders—who step and sway in unison to the beat of traditional instruments like the babadok (a hand-held drum). The movements are deliberately grounded and rhythmic, characterized by stomping feet, subtle sways, and communal gestures that convey strength, connection, and balance.\n\nThe dance is accompanied by chanted songs, usually performed in a call-and-response style. These songs are often rich in metaphor, addressing themes of unity, gratitude, remembrance, or negotiation with the spirit world. The lyrics, sung in Tetun or other local languages, carry encoded histories, ancestral teachings, and emotional expressions that elevate the dance beyond entertainment into the realm of cultural storytelling.\n\nTebe-tebe plays a vital role in moments of social and spiritual transition. It may be performed to welcome guests, to celebrate a marriage, to honor the dead, or to invoke protection and blessing during a harvest ceremony such as sau-batar. In each case, the dance serves to activate communal energy and connect the visible world with the ancestral realm.\n\nThe inclusive nature of the dance—performed by people of all ages and social backgrounds—reflects its egalitarian spirit. It is not restricted to professional dancers or experts; rather, it is meant to be shared, learned through observation and participation from a young age. In many villages, elders pass on the steps and songs during festivals and ceremonies, and school programs and cultural centers are increasingly incorporating tebe-tebe into youth education to ensure its survival.\n\nWhile variations exist across regions, the essence of tebe-tebe remains consistent: it is a dance of the people, by the people, and for the people. In its rhythm and repetition, the community finds both cohesion and catharsis—expressing sorrow, joy, solidarity, and reverence through a single, unified movement.\n\nToday, tebe-tebe continues to evolve. It is performed not only in rural rituals but also on national stages, international cultural events, and heritage festivals. And while some modern adaptations have emerged, the traditional forms are still held with deep respect, especially by elders who carry the memory of its ceremonial power.\n\nIn every echo of the babadok and every synchronized step of the dancers, tebe-tebe tells a timeless story—of a people connected to one another, to their ancestors, and to the living land they call home.