Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

Chewing bua-malus—a combination of areca nut (bua) and betel pepper leaf (malus)—is a widespread and deeply symbolic cultural practice throughout Timor-Leste. While it is often seen as a daily habit, its role goes far beyond oral tradition and personal enjoyment. Bua-malus is inseparable from the fabric of Timorese life, marking every major social, spiritual, and ceremonial moment with its presence.\n\nAt its simplest, the practice involves chewing pieces of areca nut wrapped in a fresh green betel leaf, often accompanied by a pinch of slaked lime (ahu) to release the active compounds and deepen the flavor. The mixture produces a distinctive red juice and is known for its mildly stimulating effects. But in cultural terms, bua-malus acts as a form of communication—an offering, a blessing, a welcome, and a bridge between generations.\n\nIn marriage ceremonies (barlake), bua-malus plays a key ritual role in exchanges between families. During funerals, it may be offered to the deceased or distributed among mourners as a sign of shared respect and continuity. When sacred houses (uma lulik) are built or restored, or when a newborn baby undergoes a fase-matan (eye-opening) ritual, elders may gently rub a paste of bua-malus onto the baby’s eyelids and forehead to protect them and spiritually anchor their life.\n\nElders and ritual leaders (lia-nain) often carry small pouches filled with the ingredients and use them to open or conclude negotiations, calm disputes, or honor guests. Offering bua-malus is a profound gesture of hospitality and peace—it signals trust, respect, and the intention to share one’s truth openly. Refusing it, in some contexts, may even be considered a subtle social offense.\n\nThe act of chewing is often done communally, accompanied by conversation, storytelling, or silence. The red-stained lips and relaxed posture of those gathered in a shaded courtyard or under a tree reflect a rhythm of life tied to land, time, and relationship. Many communities regard bua-malus not just as a habit but as a living heritage—something that must be handed down with care and intention.\n\nDespite its enduring presence, the practice is evolving. Urbanization, health concerns, and shifting social norms have altered how and where people chew bua-malus. Younger generations may engage with it more selectively, and some of the ritual meanings risk being diluted or forgotten.\n\nNonetheless, the cultural power of bua-malus remains strong. Whether offered to welcome a guest, seal an agreement, or bless a new life, this humble bundle of nut, leaf, and lime carries the weight of centuries of wisdom. It connects people not only to each other but to their ancestors, their land, and the values that continue to guide communal life in Timor-Leste.

At the end of the year, the color of the festival takes place on the hillside. Zoom crops are grown around the house to indigenous peoples' and they take part in many ritualistic conduct. From the depths of the mountains, there is a tune of joy. Chakma, Marma, Tripura remember God as their yearbook festival. nThe festive begin the day before the Chaitra songkranti, goes on to1st Baisakh. Chakma girls go out to collect flowers at night for Ful Biju. Silently steal flowers for puja offerings.\nThe next morning, get started flower immersion and worship of the god Ista. At dawn, at Khomong Koria, everyone comes to the group in the morning to worship.For the contentment of the god, they float the flowers that collected last night.\nOn the day of Vaisu Sankri, the Tripuras worship God Shiva.They believe He come down to earth on this day. In his contentment, goodness and wrath came down, in His anger, shortages and pestilences. The bamboo scissors are cut and made to symbolize the god Goria,hang yarn, pant, zoom crop, cotton wrap. The culture of Tripura is evolving on the life of the zoom crop. Therefore, the life of the hill region can be seen in Garia dance.\nThe Sangrai goddess brings good luck and welfare to the people from heaven to the earth. The Sangrai festival started at the moment of her come down. The main attraction of Sangrai is Jolkheli. Marma's belief that the water thrown in the Jolkheli washed away the past year's misery, sin. The New Year is accepted in a holy way. If a young woman likes each other, then the couple express their love throwing water on each other. Through this, their social bond is strengthened.\nBuddha bath is done in water mixed with coconut water and sandalwood. Then starts puja. The yearbook festival of the inhabitants ends with a wish for the good and peace of the world.

UNESCO organized, in collaboration with ICHCAP an intersectoral online expert meeting on ‘Education-related indicators in the Overall results framework (ORF) for the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage and their relationship with SDG 4. This online meeting held in three sessions in December 2020, generated important knowledge on the interface between living heritage and education, identified examples to illustrate the relationship, and provided advice for future monitoring and reporting in these related fields.\nThe public webinar aims to raise awareness for the benefits and challenges of monitoring living heritage in education by sharing the results of the above-mentioned intersectoral expert meeting. It will include a brief presentation on the education-related indicators of the ORF and how they can inform the monitoring system of SDG 4. Speakers will be invited to share their experiences and discuss the benefits of this intersectoral monitoring to inspire relevant stakeholders from the education and culture fields to undertake their own initiatives in this innovative intersectoral field. "he intersectoral expert meeting that was held in three sessions in December 2020 was a platform for international experts in the field of culture and education from across the world to deepen the understanding of the education-related indicators and demonstrate more clearly the linkages this has with the reporting on the progress towards quality education for sustainable development and peace. It generated important knowledge on the interface between living heritage and education, identified examples to illustrate this relationship and provided advice for future monitoring and reporting in these related fields. The webinar welcomes all governmental and non-governmental stakeholders interested in culture and education to join this debate on monitoring living heritage in education.

Elegant, joyful, and rooted in everyday village life, Bidu Lensu-Mutin—the White Handkerchief Dance—is one of the most beloved traditional dances in the Suai Loro community of Covalima, Timor-Leste. Performed by young girls with white scarves in hand, the dance is a celebration of welcome, harmony, and feminine grace, passed from mother to daughter over generations.\n\nThe name lensu-mutin comes from the Tetun words for “white handkerchief,” which the dancers carry as they move in coordinated steps and gestures. The origin story, widely shared in oral tradition, speaks of seven girls who danced with white scarves to welcome their community members back from a corn harvest. Their spontaneous joy and coordinated movements captured the spirit of unity and gratitude, and the dance has been cherished ever since.\n\nPerformed during weddings, religious celebrations, community gatherings, and rituals involving sacred houses (uma lulik), Bidu Lensu-Mutin carries layers of meaning. The white scarf symbolizes purity, blessing, and good intentions. Dancers use it to wave, twirl, and gesture in graceful arcs, often moving in circular or serpentine formations that reflect the flowing rhythm of traditional life.\n\nAccompanied by soft babadok drumming and gentle singing in the Tetun-Terik language, the dance creates an atmosphere of warmth and welcome. The songs, often metaphorical, may include blessings for the couple in a wedding, prayers for peace in a community, or expressions of joy and connection. In some versions of the performance, older women sing while the younger girls dance, creating a multigenerational moment of transmission.\n\nLearning the dance happens organically within families and the community. Young girls imitate their older sisters, mothers, and aunts at ceremonies or home gatherings. In recent years, schools have also incorporated the dance into cultural programs and performances, ensuring its continued presence in the lives of younger generations.\n\nWhat sets Bidu Lensu-Mutin apart is its gentle spirit and universal appeal. It does not require elaborate costumes or formal training—just the willingness to move together with grace and intention. The dance represents a form of cultural continuity that is deeply tied to everyday experiences and shared values: welcoming guests, honoring ancestors, and expressing collective joy.\n\nThough still widely practiced in Suai Loro and surrounding communities, cultural leaders recognize the importance of continued teaching and celebration. As modern influences shape young people’s interests and identities, Bidu Lensu-Mutin offers a graceful reminder of the beauty found in tradition and the strength found in unity.

ichLinks is a one-stop online platform where you can easily meet a wide range of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) information and content shared by and with Asia-Pacific Member States. We coined the term as a portmanteau of “ICH” and “Links”, referring to the mutual connections made among ICH and its stakeholders through the platform.\n\nHere you are only one click away from a wide range of Asia-Pacific ICH information and content with the help of advanced digital technologies. The platform also serves as a common ground in which various ICH stakeholders, e.g. policy-makers, researchers, institutes, NGOs, communities, and practitioners can interact with one another. Where they create greater value out of pan-regional cultural resources, ichLinks shall create a virtuous cycle of a stronger cultural bond and greater peace throughout the Asia-Pacific region and beyond.\n

Mughni (26), a recent graduate, is anxious about his future and feels trapped in endless worries. To calm his mind and soul, which are full of anxiety after completing his final assignment, he initially chooses to practice yoga independently. However, not satisfied with that, in mid-July 2024, Mughni participated in a Meditation program at Vippasana Dharma Java in Bogor, West Java. Although the program is scheduled for ten days, he managed to complete only five days. After returning to Yogyakarta, he continues searching for answers and meets Pak Udrek, a puppeteer and Javanese cultural practitioner who introduces him to Tapa Brata—a traditional Javanese meditation practice. Through wayang characters' stories, depicting the characters' struggles and meditations, Mughni begins to find the inner peace he had lost and learns the deep meaning of true tranquility offered by Javanese wisdom.

Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, 2009\nThis film is about sacred places of Kyrgyzstan. Mazars served as places of the worship for the nomads of Central Asia, places for praying to the gods. Ethnographers divide mazars into two types, man-made (these are often tombs of the saints) and natural (caves, springs, lakes, boulders).\n\nThe obo ceremony is for worshiping sacred places such as water wells and springs. Water has been an object of worship since ancient times. The sacred Kyrgyz sites connected to water are called bulak mazary.\n\nZikir chaluu represents an emotional prayer is recited with pragmatic purposes, such as asking for prosperity, recovery, peace, or fertility.\n\nThe film also includes Sulaiman-Too Sacred Mountain in Osh, which was the first Kyrgyz site inscribed on the World Heritage list, in 2009.

Spring Rain is an original dance based on the Shuixiu dance, a traditional dance of the Zang people which has become a representative form of Chinese classical dance. It expresses the rain falling in spring and beautiful natural landscapes in elegant movements.\n\nShuixiu dance is a ‘long sleeved dance’ performed while wearing clothes with long flowing sleeves. It is characterized by the flinging and catching of the long sleeves. The essence of Shuixiu dance lies in its harmonious and beautiful curves. It represents the aesthetic character of Shuixiu while keeping with the unique philosophy and temperament of the Zangs, which seeks harmony, peace, coexistence and concordance.\n\nShui Xiu dance, originally performed at religious rituals, was relatively preserved in its original form due to the isolation of the Tibetan society until the 1950s. Its artistic value came to light internationally after the opening up of China in 1978. With the coming of the ‘New China’ era, large numbers of Shuixiu practitioners began to move to large cities to spread the dance, leading to its present day status as a traditional dance enjoyed by the entire Chinese nation.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Original dance based on the Shuixiu dance\n∙Vigorous flinging of the long shuixiu sleeves\n\nPerformed by College of Art, Chengdu Sport University\nDirected by 로봉

ICCN, Interurban Cooperation Network for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, is an international organization of local governments and cultural institutions which includes 31 states, 29 cities and 34 associations. Its main objective is the protection of the intangible cultural heritage around the world and the promotion of sustainable local development. Moreover, it also seeks to achieve cultural peace through mutual understanding and intercultural dialogue between the different populations that are part of it. Julio Nacher shared some good examples of cultural events that successfully held in pandemic situation.

Xuan Pha Dance listed in the National ICH List in 2016\nThe Xuan Pha performance is a Vietnamese folk tradition held every lunar February in Xuan Pha village. It serves as a blessing to the people and expresses gratitude to the guardian deity who watches over farming activities. Legend has it that Dinh Bo Linh achieved peace with the help of the deity Xuan Pha when chieftains were trying to divide the country. This became the origin of the village festival. The performance includes five different dance segments, each simulating the dances of five nations, paying tribute to the King of Dai Viet (modern-day Viet Nam). Most of the props used in the performance are made from materials obtained from nature, and the performers sing of a peaceful, happy, and idyllic life.

It is a traditional game in North Vihear village, Vihear Sour commune, Khsach Kandal district, Kandal province in the Vihear Sour pagoda. This traditional racing being held on the occasion of Pchum Ben only and there is no winners or losers. The buffalo are beautifully decorated in order to ask for peace and prosperity to happen in their village.