The film is about the traditional village festival in Phu Dong village that is organized annually to commemorate the Giong God from the 7th to the 9th days of the fourth lunar month. Among the Commanders, the Commander of the Flag is the most important, symbolizing the communal God. It is the task of Hieu to choose good people from decent families to serve the God. After taking part in the festival, they are honored by people in the area. The film emphasizes the social and religious aspects of the life of the local village people who worship their local god and the festival reflects the spiritual life of the community.

Phu Dong Village in Vietnam holds a traditional festival to celebrate Saint Giong from the seventh to the ninth days of the fourth lunar month every year. One of the most important figures in the festival is Hieu, the Flag Commander. It is the Flag Commander's responsibility to select young men of good character from decent families in the village to serve the saint. Those selected are honored by the local residents after taking part in the festival.\n\nThis video shows the social and religious aspects of the lives of local people who worship their local god, as well as the spiritual life of the local community reflected in the festival.

Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.

This is a portion of the traditional Bhutanese masked dance of Cham, rearranged for a solo performer. It is a combination of the ‘Drum Dance’ which represents the victory of good over evil, and the ‘Hero’s Dance’ which contains a message to the god of peace and anger. In Bhutan, Buddhism is more than a religion, being a philosophy that guides its way of life and culture. In this culture of Buddhism, Cham is regarded one of the most unique elements of the Bhutanese Buddist heritage. ‘Cham’ which refers to a type of masked dance performed at rituals, is performed at the annual festivals of temples in the region. The people of Bhutan regard the act of viewing Cham as a spiritual experience, of release from worldly attachments.\n\nCham dancers wear traditional costumes made of silk in the 6 colors of red, white, yellow, green, blue and black. Each color stands for different aspects of nature, red for fire, energy and strength, white for water and peace, yellow for the ground, growth and elevation, green for air and finiteness, blue for the universe and infinity, and black for anger. The masks worn while dancing are carved from wood, depicting saints, wise men, guardian deities and legendary figures. The music is played using cymbals, drums, large and small copper horns, conches and bells.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An excerpt from a Cham (Bhutanese masked ritual dance) adapted for the stage\n\nPerformed by Tsering Dorji\nDirected by Tsering Dorji

Cultural space of Baysun was recognized by UNESCO as the “Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity” among the first 19 in 2001. Consequently, in 2008, it was included in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Humanity of UNESCO. Inclusion the space to the List enhanced the opportunity of preservation, documentation and conduct scientific researches of artistic traditions and culture of Baysun district. It is a world bringing together settled and nomadic traditions, Turkic and eastern Iranian peoples. The traditional culture of Baysun, besides Islam, has its roots in ancient cults and faiths. In its folklore one can see traditions with elements of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism, animism and ancestors worship. Grazing patterns have not changed in a thousand years. Livestock are still the main measure of wealth, and gardening is a male tradition. Hand spinning wheels, graters, tandirs, water mills, and blacksmiths using bellows all still exist. National clothes are made, such as doppi and chapans and head scarves for men and women, using craft traditions and local ornamental decorations dating from the tenth and eleventh centuries. Old customs and rituals govern life from birth to death. There is much historical heritage and native wisdom in them.

Local Food preparation refers to process of harvesting through subsistence, the tools created for food preparation (such as that of fafa), and the preparation itself involves many people working together. Preparing fafa is important for many special occasions and is only carried out by men with clean hands; therefore, the men cannot have another job which would be considered unclean. Fafa comes in many different forms, including fafa fiti (pounded taro balls with a toasted coconut sweet sauce) also called sranomtuh (the pounded fafa with the sugarcane mixed with coconut milk), erah (pounded soft taro with banana and coconut cream fat solidifies around making a thin shell), srono kutak (srono-piece or part of it, kutak is soft taro, pahsruk is hard taro, it is a type of fafa that does not require water, hard working fafa, not mix. It’s difficult to pound and is very sticky), suklac (type of fafa made of bananas and taro and is purple in color), fafa spirit, also known as fafa ngun (spirit, like a ghost, something translucent and you cannot really see), fafa pot, likasringsring, among others (refer to sarfert). Some food preparation is according to the moon calendar. For example, planting and harvesting any crops during full moon is the best time. The texture of the soil is ideal during this time. Sometimes even the first three days of full moon. Torch fishing or molok (an animal for eating) is best done during full moon.

Rampai Aceh is a reconstruction of Saman, a traditional performance art of the Gayo tribe of Aceh, Sumatra. The Saman dance which can be traced back to the 13th Century, is a group dance performed by over 10 dancers, who kneel in a row and perform the identical moves in a highly coordinated manner. They clap, slap their chests, thighs, or the floor with their palms, bounce their fingers off each other, gesture with their hands, shaking and twisting their heads from side to side to complex rhythms. The moves express scenes from nature and the daily lives of the Gayo tribe, such as leaves flying in the wind, water buffalo bathing, and ploughing the field.\n\nThe leaders of the performance are called “Penankat”, who sing poetic verses. They are accompanied by drums, rabana and dynamic clapping. The poetic verses sing about a wide range of themes including tradition and development, religion, heroic tales, morals from daily life and love stories, told with wit and satire. Saman represents the communal values of patience, cooperation and helping each other. Saman, which is enjoyed by people of all walks of life, is performed widely at a variety of occasions, including national holidays such Independence Day, religious occasions, welcoming ceremony for honored guests and weddings. However, with rapid urbanization, youth have been leaving for the city, creating problems for the transmission of Saman for the Penankat who are unable to find suitable successors.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An original dance based on the Saman dance, inscribed on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding in 2011\n\nPerformed by Marwar Budaya Dance Atelier\nDirected by Maria Sofia Trimawarsanti\nPhotographed by Maria Sofia Trimawarsanti

Khöömei is a wonder of culture created by nomadic Mongols, a unique phenomenon of Mongolian traditional music, an ancient art, the highest form of independent art of speaking organs and artistic discovery contributed by the Mongols to the music art of the world. Mongol khöömei lies in producing two or more pitches simultaneously, of which one is a fundamental pitch from the chest and the other is a higher pitch resonating to the hard palate or whistling khöömei. The melodies of khöömei are the music that only Mongol khöömei can describe as well as the sound of nature, mountain, water, wind, animal calls, correlation between nature and human and the inner world of human soul. khöömei is divided into two basic categories of “Kharkhiraa” or bass, fundamental pitch and “Isgeree or shingen” or “whistling or high pitch”.

Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

Nom Banhchok, a type of locally made rice noodle, is a very popular food that can be found all over Cambodia. The noodle can be served with different kinds of sauces or soup, from a simple mix of salt and chilly or a mix of fermented fish paste and chilly and herbs to the red curry, or the most popular one, the samlor proheur or also known samlor Khmer (fish lemongrass soup). The last is generally served with fresh vegetables including cucumbers, long beans, bean sprouts, banana flowers, water lily stems, and so on. Although popular, it is not a staple food like cooked rice. It is eaten once in a while or on a special festival with a large gathering of people.

The Apsara dance is a dance inspired by the bas relief on the corridors of the Angkor Wat. It is also referred to as Khmer traditional dance and Khmer royal ballet, and was inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity under the title ‘The Royal Ballet of Cambodia’.\n\nApsaras are spirits of cloud and water in Hindu and Buddhist legends. They are also referred to as ‘celestial dancers’ or ‘dancing goddesses’. The dance is characterized by magical golden costumes, elaborate make up and accessories, and slow, elegant movements. Its detailed and elaborate hand gestures can only be performed by highly skilled dancers.\n\nThe Apsara dance has been performed at official events of the Khmer royal court such as coronations, weddings, funerals and celebrations for over 1,000 years. Today, the dance which recreates legends about the origins and history of the Khmer is regarded by Cambodians as a symbol of their culture. Although its practice was interrupted under the communist regime in the 60s and 70s, it was dramatically restored in 1979, right after the collapse of the Pol Pot regime. While its former glory has been restored to a certain extent, it still faces many challenges such as the lack of official support, difficulty in finding performance spaces, competition with popular culture and over-commercialization as a tourism product.\n\nCharacteristics:\n·Inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008 (The Royal Ballet of Cambodia)\n\nPerformed by Leu Sivmeng, Leng Sreypenh, Pich Raksmey\nDirected by Yon Sokhorn