Today in this brief presentation, I’d like to talk about the concept of sea ethics as intangible cultural heritage based on two of my previous studies on cultural heritage in Japan. Both relate to specifically spiritual practices and knowledge about the ocean gained through traditional fisheries, one diving fishery and other whaling. It so happens that both are practiced by women. I’ve also discussed this in the context of SDG Goal No. 5 and 14 in my publication if anyone is interested. Clearly, discussion of sustainability is even more relevant today, as we navigate ourselves through the unprecedented global uncertainty.\n

The title I was given in the first place was ‘Notion of Intangible Cultural Heritage Safeguarding from the Perspective of Sustainable Development’. But later, I found that the original idea of today’s conference was not simply sustainable development; it was sustainable human development. Adding ‘human’ between sustainable and development means that we have to be triply critical or critical in at least three stages or dimensions when we think about development.

The arrival of a newborn baby is cause for great joy, particularly for a newly wedded couple if it is their first child. In traditional Fijian society, when a married woman was expecting, her husband and his kin would plant uvi (yams), a root crop known as dalo (Colocasia esculenta), and stock pigs in pens. The matriarchs from both the man’s and woman’s sides would also begin weaving new mats in anticipation of the birth. In the past, marriage was a decision made carefully, based on kinship connections and traditional alliances, because the shared commonalities facilitated collaboration on both sides.

Lialiaci is a publication of the iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Ministry of iTaukei Affairs. Lialiaci means to ponder or reflect upon deeply.\n\nThat is the intent of these articles and perspectives on culture.

"Whether we call it clan, kin, family, tribe, or community, there are multiple ways of knowing and identifying ourselves in the Pacific. A few of these ways are captured here. This section explores how social relationships and their hierarchies within the Pacific islands are vital ways of understanding intangible cultural heritage. Social and spiritual rituals, religious ceremonies, and various other cultural practices reflect how Pacific islanders prioritize social cohesion as a pathway to sustainable prosperity, ensuring the transformation of skills, knowledge, and wisdom for survival. \nThe themes in this section are pivotal to ICH because relationships represent an important organizing principle of life among Pacific islanders and determine how intangible heritage can be safeguarded. Relationships are marked in ceremonial events and rituals such as the communal harvest of balolo in Fiji and other ceremonies such as the bel kol in PNG. Likewise, the omengat, the first-birth ceremony in Palau, brings unrelated clans and families together and is central to family ties and social cohesion. The essays on these and other topics collected in this section illustrate that Pacific islanders take care to mark and honor relationships important to them, as these relationships ensure family, clan, and tribal ties and help to achieve enhanced social cohesion and sustainability."

"To the Pacific islanders, the waters that separate them are also a factor that connects them. Bearing this in mind, the four themes in this section offer a glimpse into the need to hold mastery over the sea for survival—for the fish that sustain the people and for the creation of pathways to connect them. Through extensive interisland trade, the ocean pathways maintain and sustain relationships for political, social, educational, economic, and most of all, spiritual benefits. \nIn “Palauan Knowledge of the Sea,” for example, we see how extensive methods and nuances of fishing and oceanic knowledge are part of both the livelihood and identity of Palauans. Similarly, by examining the Yapese knowledge related to canoes and ocean voyaging, we can see the effects and importance of inherited know-how on the connected lives of Micronesians through the ages and today. In these and all the themes in this section, we see how expressions by custodians of cultural know-how and development of sophisticated navigational systems have allowed Pacific islanders to travel safely and interact with the ocean and each other. Pacific navigation is perhaps one of the most singular human achievements of humanity. "

Koliniasi L.T. Fuko explained the significance of traditional fishing methods of Tonga for achieving sustainable development. The purpose of this discourse is to promote awareness of Tongan Traditional Fishing Methods to ensure the sustainability of food security from the ocean.

"In a region as geographically immense and culturally diverse as the Pacific, intangible cultural heritage must be seen in terms of diverse worldviews, each with its own knowledge system and philosophy of life that structures and informs. This section addresses how intangible cultural heritage is reflected through specific cultural worldviews. As specific and unique as they are, however, each Pacific worldview can be seen as having a commonality structured by three dimensions: the spiritual, the physical, and the afterlife or ancestral realm. \nDespite their commonalities, the themes in this section still represent Pacific elements of knowing, philosophy, governance, and wisdom that sculpt life from vastly unique perspectives. The Tongan concept of heliaki, for instance, is not just a knowledge of language and prose, but rather a construct through which the Tongans build views about themselves and their interactions as well as the hierarchy within their society. In a similar way, Palauan place names are much more than words to mark locations; they are capsules of knowledge, events, and history that help the Palauan people identify themselves and their connections to one another. In these and the other themes in this section, the included values incorporate how the Pacific peoples perceive reality and interconnectedness and how their knowledge has shaped their worlds."

In ancient times, China in the East Asian continent, along with the Islamic world which spanned the South Mediterranean Sea, West Asia and Central Asia, were the world’s most developed regions in oceanography. It was only after the renaissance that this leadership was only taken away by the Portuguese explorers. This paper aims to provide an overview of the names used in ancient Chinese texts to refer to the seas of Asia, as well as the ancient Chinese understanding of world oceanography. China is situated in the East Asian continent, which is not in direct contact with the vast Pacific Ocean, but rather, within several seas of the Pacific, nestled between the West Pacific island arc and the East Asian continent. These seas are, going from North to South, the East Sea of Korea, Yellow Sea, East Sea and Southern Sea. The structure of this paper begins from the East Asian seas, going from North to South, and then continues westward to Southeast Asia and the North Indian Ocean.

The arrival of a newborn baby is cause for great joy particularly for a newly wedded couple if it is their first born. In traditional Fijian society, when a married maiden is expecting, her husband and his kin plant uvi (yams) dalo, a rootcrop (Colocasia esculenta) and stock pigs in the pens. The matriarchs from both the man and woman’s side also begin weaving new mats in anticipation for the birth.\n\nPrior to hospitals, traditional midwives known as VUNIKALOU were approached and on hand when labour contractions were expected. These VUNIKALOU had diverse knowledge about herbal medicines to administer to the expecting mother during and after pregnancy.\n\nThere are also elderly matriarchs on hand to administer to the expecting mother’s needs like washing, cooking, tending to the bedroom. The sleeping area is cordoned off with a huge taunamu or wall-length tapa as traditional Fijian houses do not have separate rooms. All the while mother and newborn baby must not emerge from behind this barrier until the end of the fourth night. Males too are forbidden from entering the residence where mother and newborn are until after the fourth day otherwise they will be meted out traditional punishment called ORE by the matriarchs. And young men, the baby’s father and other menfolk intentionally violate the rules as an excuse for them to bear the burdens of the ‘punishment’. This is their indirect way of showing their affection and pride towards the arrival of the newborn baby. They take a day or so to prepare their ‘punishment tokens’ which could be cooked fish, or dalo, fruits, vakalolo (grated starch with sweetened caramelized coconut milk), cigarettes, etc for the matriarchs’ enjoyment serving in the home.\n\nWhen the baby is born, it is the responsibility of the baby’s father’s kin to relay the message traditionally to the baby’s vasu or maternal kin. A whale tooth is presented traditionally to relay the joyful news.\n\nDuring the first four nights of the baby’s birth, kinship from both the mother and father’s side present raw dalo, freshly woven baby mats, oil, brooms, tapa cloth. The dalo presentation is called DREKEBA (stress on –a). The boiled dalo stalk is the primary meal of the new mother for it is believed that it improves lactation.\n\nThe mats are gifts for the matriarchs serving in the household. This occasion is called the ROQOROQO meaning ‘to carry’. When the women arrive (no males are still allowed in but they still do so eager to receive their ‘punishment’), they sing meke and folk songs. The matriarchs serving in the house entertain the roqoroqo parties and there is much joy. The reason behind the loud noise and merry making is said to make the newborn baby begin to understand in his/her spiritual mind and heart that there is a large family waiting for him/her and ready to support in the rearing. This is the actual roqoroqo! There is no actual carrying and kissing of the newborn baby until after the fourth night as it is believed that baby is still spiritually and physically vulnerable to all sorts of bad air and malevolence. On the fourth day, the baby’s paternal kin prepare a feast called VAKATUNUDRA (warming the blood) for the village to enjoy.\nThe serving matriarchs take turns in carrying the baby as the mother recovers. The one on whom the baby’s umbilical cord falls onto is the one who will provide the four night feast. This role is quietly contested as each matriarch is eager to show their affection and home network support.\n\nMuch has changed from the original notion of roqoroqo or baby showers. Today babies are born in hospitals and the ceremonies, pomp and jovial camaraderie between kinsfolk is diminishing. A version of it exists though in the modern version of visitation to a newborn baby’s family with modern gifts for both baby and mother.\n\nphoto 1 : Women from the village visiting new born baby (carried in center) and present traditional gifts to mother (Left) and family.© ITaukei Institute of Language & Culture\nphoto 2 : Men carrying dalo plants for a traditional baby shower in Kumi village, Verata, Tailevu, Fiji © ITaukei Institute of Language & Culture\nphoto 3 : Trimmed green dalo stalks for boiling to enhance mother’s breast milk production.© ITaukei Institute of Language & Culture

Indigenous Fijians feel a close connection with the sea, land, and nature. In Fiji, jewelry making began way back in the time of the ancestors, dating back to the eighteenth century or even earlier. Traditional indigenous knowledge, beliefs, and practices were seen in the unique creation of hand-crafted jewelry and adornments. These pieces were mainly worn to display social status, functioning as symbols of rank and leadership, or as markers of clan membership.\nThere were distinctions in the types of jewels and adornments worn by a chief (turaga), a warrior (bati), the wedding attire of a bride (yalewa vou) and groom (tagane vou), and those used in ceremonies and celebrations where men, women, and youths adorned themselves with necklaces of shell (taube qanivivili), bead (taube), or clay (coko qwele). Chiefs and warriors mainly wore breastplates (civavonovono), whale ivory (tabua), sperm whale tooth necklaces (waseisei, also known as wasekaseka), boar tusk necklaces and hand bands (bati ni vuaka), while white cowry shells (buli vula) are mainly worn by brides and grooms, and also worn during a traditional dance/performance (meke).

"The Cau Ngu Festival Ngu Loc is one of five coastal communes of Hau Loc District in Thanh Hoa Province, located in the Northern Central Coast region of Vietnam. This is the most densely populated place in Vietnam, with traditional fishing and seafood processing pro- viding work. Daily life is shaped by long-standing customs and traditions with coastal characteristics. This culminates in the unique cau ngu (cau means “worship” and ngu means “sacred whale”) festival, held annually from the twenty-first to the twenty-fourth day in the second month of the lunar calendar."