ALL
Folk Culture
ICH Elements 90
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Semah, Alevi-Bektaşi ritual
Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.
Turkey 2010 -
Oku-noto no Aenokoto
“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.
Japan 2009 -
Karagöz
Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.
Turkey 2009 -
Flatbread making and sharing culture: Lavash, Katyrma, Jupka, Yufka
The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.
Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016
ICH Stakeholders 8
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CHINA NATIONAL SILK MUSEUM
The China National Silk Museum (CNSM) first opened in February 1992 and reopened in September 2016. Now it has become one of the first state-level museums in China, where audiences will find 9,000 square meters of displays in a typical southern Chinese garden of 42,286 square meters near West Lake, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.\nThe museum is divided into several galleries. The first is the Silk Road Gallery, in which the permanent exhibition The Way of Chinese Silk: Silk History and the Silk Road introduces Chinese silk historically and the Silk Road geometrically. Both the earliest preserved silk from the Qianshanyang site, Huzhou, (c.2200 BCE) and the earliest pattern loom model from Laoguanshan, Chengdu, (c.100 BCE) are on display. In the underground of the Silk Road Gallery, the Textile Training Center offers professional courses related to weaving, dyeing, embroidering, and braiding to satisfy the demand of the people who love traditional textile culture and those who wish to inherit traditional skills.\nOn 28 September 2009, Sericulture and Silk Craftsmanship of China was added to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. To help the audience better understand the intangible cultural heritage, the Sericulture and Weaving Galleries provides more information on how the silk is made. There are five sections of the exhibition, which are The Story of the Silkworm, Folk Customs in the Birthplace of Sericulture, Silk-making Techniques, Textile Printing, Dyeing and Embroidery and Weaving Techniques, displaying more than 270 objects covering the whole process from planting mulberry trees, raising silkworms, releasing silk from cocoons, dyeing, weaving, and embroidery. The techniques in the exhibition combine static displays with live demonstration.
China -
The “Roza Otunbayeva Initiative” International Public Foundation
The “Roza Otunbayeva Initiative” International Public Foundation is a non-profit, nongovernmental organization established in January 2012 with the aim of initiating and implementing programs and projects that can contribute to the social, political, and economic development of the country, as well as respect for the environment in the Kyrgyz Republic.\n\nThe founder of the Foundation Roza Otunbayeva, is a former President of the Kyrgyz Republic, member of the high-level group of advisers on mediation under the UN Secretary-General, member of the Club de Madrid, and member of the Governing Board of UNESCO Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Education for Peace and Sustainable Development (MGIEP).\n\nMain goals of the Foundation:\n•\tPromoting human development, expanding civic participation, strengthening civil society;\n•\tImplementation of educational, cultural, environmental, and charitable programs and projects;\n•\tSupporting initiatives for peacekeeping, expanding communication platforms on issues of international political, economic, and humanitarian cooperation.\n\nSince its establishment, the Foundation has initiated and implemented throughout the country, in cooperation with various partners, more than 30 projects. \n\nMuch attention is paid by the Foundation to supporting the level of accessibility of art, music, literature, and folk crafts, both for children and for the general public. Thus, the Foundation has published several books about ICH elements of Kyrgyzstan adopted for children e.g. Manas comic book based on the Manas epic, “To Visit My Friends!” which explores the diverse culture of ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan, etc.\n\nOne of the well-known projects implemented by the Foundation is "Development Centers on Jailoo". Jailoo is a summer pasture. The purpose of the project is aimed at creatinig conditions for equal access for the vulnerable population – the children of cattle breeders to preschool education. The project also includes programs aimed to promote traditional knowledge and cultural and historical heritage of the Kyrgyz people, introducing children to culture through the study of traditional games, and the formation of knowledge and skills of young children on the bases of tolerant interaction with representatives of different ethnic groups and nationalities.\n
Kyrgyzstan
ICH Materials 712
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Naqqoshlik (ornament-making) art
"Naqqoshlik is drawing an ornament - a pattern built on rhythmic alternation and a combination of geometric or graphic elements, performed by means of painting, drawing, sculpture or embroidery. Uzbek national patterns have their own names, going back in history. Traditional Uzbek ornament is found in decorative art embroideries, in wood carvings, in paintings on clay and ceramics, on Uzbek fabrics, on buildings. At the heart of the ornament is a picture of simple things. For example, knives are designed to protect, a flowering garden is a symbol of fertility and agriculture. Each flower carries information: a scarlet poppy - the image of an innocent girl, a tulip - a symbol of purity, a rose - peace and beauty, wildflowers - a young man. Often, a different meaning was embedded in the image of flowers. For example, they believed that they carried healing power and health.\nThe ornament creates a vector image in which a magical meaning is laid, reflecting the course of human life. This is an oriental vector style with geometric patterns. Geometric patterns have abstract forms:\n- zigzag lines;\n- circles;\n- polyhedra;\n- stars;\n- ornamental motifs - meander;\n- human figures;\n- stylized inscriptions.\nEthnic patterns are folklore images, folk motifs in which a creative union of religion and culture is concluded. They carry a semantic and ritual load.\n"\n
Uzbekistan -
Naqqoshlik (ornament-making) art
"Naqqoshlik is drawing an ornament - a pattern built on rhythmic alternation and a combination of geometric or graphic elements, performed by means of painting, drawing, sculpture or embroidery. Uzbek national patterns have their own names, going back in history. Traditional Uzbek ornament is found in decorative art embroideries, in wood carvings, in paintings on clay and ceramics, on Uzbek fabrics, on buildings. At the heart of the ornament is a picture of simple things. For example, knives are designed to protect, a flowering garden is a symbol of fertility and agriculture. Each flower carries information: a scarlet poppy - the image of an innocent girl, a tulip - a symbol of purity, a rose - peace and beauty, wildflowers - a young man. Often, a different meaning was embedded in the image of flowers. For example, they believed that they carried healing power and health.\nThe ornament creates a vector image in which a magical meaning is laid, reflecting the course of human life. This is an oriental vector style with geometric patterns. Geometric patterns have abstract forms:\n- zigzag lines;\n- circles;\n- polyhedra;\n- stars;\n- ornamental motifs - meander;\n- human figures;\n- stylized inscriptions.\nEthnic patterns are folklore images, folk motifs in which a creative union of religion and culture is concluded. They carry a semantic and ritual load.\n"\n
Uzbekistan
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Baor-making Skill
Baor-making is a unique skill of the Maranao people. With its embossed handmade and intricate designs – particularly called okir – this skill has claimed a recognition abroad. nOkir is folk motifs found in various artworks and objects, they are usually inspired from detailed and different curves and no machines involved.\nBaor is a maranao translation of baul or the trunk.\nAside from the famous Darangen, a singing-like epic storytelling originally from the Maranao people as well, which belong to the top three of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) inscribed intangible cultural heritage of the Philippines, baor-making skill is listed as an element among the other 366 under the inventory of Philippine Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage.\nHowever, since the 2016 Martial Law declaration in Mindanao stricter regulations are implemented on trees-cutting that are main ingredient to produce baor. Tree like the Philippine National Tree Narra.\nThe absence of professional teaching also creates significant hole for the identity of Maranao younger generations. As of the moment, the only way to transmit the skill is learning the techniques by observing elders while at home.\nThese reasons lead to saddening thought that the Tugaya’s one of a kind skill is slowly dying because youth have now better, numerous options to survive the living over the dynamic society.\nAlthough baor-making is traditionally originated in Tugaya, a small municipality in Lanao del Sur, there is a man who has been living so far from the root of baor-making: Abdulsamad Usman, 58, has been dwelling his fate on making and selling baor amidst the Taguig city’s uncertainties.\nnTaguig is one of the urban cities in Metro Manila, National Capital Region. The gap between Tugaya and Taguig is at least one-thousand kilometers.\nAccording to Usman, more or less a month period before finishing a medium-sized baor. He can carve designs and paint them. He, with his team, is the only considered baor maker who practice the skill in Metro Manila.\nUsman strongly believes that baor-making will not vanish from the present and history because the skill has been playing a huge part for the Maranaos’ culture and identity.\nn기타설명nBaor-making is a unique skill of Maranao people from Tugaya, Lanao del Sur. Baor is a maranao translation of baul or the trunk. The designs embossed in it are called okir --- detailed and different curves. They are handmade and no machines involved. Tugaya is a small community in Lanao del Sur, a province in Mindanao.\nThe skill is considered as an intangible cultural heritage (ICH) among the other 366 listed under the inventory of Philippine Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Philippines 2019 -
China - Sai Nai Mu
Sai Nai Mu (赛乃姆) is a folk dance rooted in the lives, customs, characteristics and clothing of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, China. It has been widely transmitted among ordinary people in an agrarian environment. The dance moves also contain many motions from their daily lives, such as holding the hat, folding up the sleeves, dragging the skirt, and touching the chest while looking far away. A characteristic move is head shaking, moving the neck left and right. The knees are used fluidly to give a sensation of lightness and agility.\n\nThe Uyghurs dance the Sai Nai Mu on joyful occasions such as festivals or weddings. There is no set order for the format and movements, being impromptu and free in spirit. Although it is usually danced in couples, there is no restriction to the number of people and anyone can join in. The music is lyrical and elegant, but can shift to a more exuberant rhythm and pace according to the atmosphere of the moment.\n\nThe Uyghurs are a Turkic ethnic group which used to be active in the Mongolian highlands and Central Asia and currently reside mainly in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in Northwestern China. The Sai Nai Mu of the Uyghurs is a national grade intangible heritage registered in the Chinese Cultural Heritage and a compulsory subject in the middle school curriculum of China.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Utilizes movements in the daily lives of people in an agrarian culture\n∙Head shaking by moving the neck moving side to side\n\nPerformed by Yanbian Heumjung Dance Company\nDirected by Kim Yeong-hwa\nChoreographed by Kim Yeong-hwa
China Aug 27, 2017
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FOLK DANCES OF NEPAL
Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.
Nepal 2017 -
The Traditional Musical Instruments on Myanmar
The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.
Myanmar 2014
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Điệu đàn vui (A happy tune) - Solo for a string instrument
According to statistics data of 2009, Phù lá ethnic minority had over ten thousand people, mostly living in Lào Cai. Phù lá ethnic minority lives in different small hamlets, each of which usually has between ten and fifteen roofs. The Phù lá lives in a region with many other ethnic minorities, such as Hmông, Dao, and Tày. The village elders or chiefs and family heads have a significant role in managing most affairs in the hamlets. The Phù Lá still preserves their traditional culture with the important annual rituals, such as the Lunar New Year (Tết Nguyên Đán), Holly Forest Worship Ceremony (Cúng thần rừng), the July Festival (Tết tháng bảy), the new rice festival at the beginning of October (tết cơm mới đầu tháng 10), Naming ceremony for baby (đặt tên con), funerals (tang ma), etc. Forms of folk music in the lives of Phù Lá people has not been much collected so far. The musical piece “A happy tune” is a solo for a string instrument meant to entertain Phù lá people. This is one of the few Phù lá recordings. It was recorded by the Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.
Viet Nam 1905 -
(Opening the door to offer flowers) - Singing with pí lè accompaniment
According to the census data in 2009, the Tày ethnic minority in Vietnam had a population of over 1.6 million, making it the second most populous group in Vietnam, mostly residing in the provinces of Lạng Sơn and Cao Bằng. the Tày people have a rich treasure of folk culture and folk songs that are performed in rituals and daily activities. Mở cửa dâng hoa (Opening the door to offer flowers) is a song sung during the wedding ceremonies. The song’s content is to remind the couple to live well and desire a life of peace and happiness.
Viet Nam 1970
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Ladakh Sound
Ladakh lies in the high mountains of the Himalayas, in Jammu and Kashmir, northwest India. Although many roads are being built, it still remains one of the most isolated regions in the world. As Ladakh differs greatly from the rest of India in all aspects—history, ethnic makeup, religion, and culture—the people of Ladakh will never say call themselves Indians.\n\nThe people of Ladakh farm wheat using water from the melting snowcaps of the high mountains. They lead a simple life, farming and raising livestock in the fields. They sing while working in the fields, just like Korean people used to in the past. In autumn, you can hear songs sung while cutting grass, harvesting wheat, and plowing the fields. In nomadic regions, there are songs sung to call livestock and while processing dairy. Ladakh was where I was able to hear the most work songs during this trip to collect the sounds of Asia.\n\nMost Ladakhis practice Lama Buddhism from Tibet. They are a very pious people, whose faith can be seen not just in the numerous monasteries and stone pagodas but in the songs they sing. Praise of Buddha and revered monks can often be found in their work songs.\nOn the other hand, the center of the Zanskar Valley, just south of Ladakh, is occupied by Muslims. In this region, folk songs are difficult to come by.
Indonesia 2005 -
Narrative Traditions - Oral Epics and Ballads Vol. I_ the Tulu Paddana
CD4_NARRATIVE TRADITIONS – ORAL EPICS AND BALLADS VOL. I: THE TULU PADDANA\n\nOral epics, ballads, and narratives form a major part of the background of rituals, storytelling, and local mythologies – all an important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India. The vast range of oral epics in India, most often sung, also contain recitation and prose that explain the text. The meters vary greatly, and they all have different definitions and terms. For instance, the meter and singing of the Alha is called Alha Chhand. A wide variety of types of performances and expression of this genre exist. Some stories are narrated with scrolls that illustrate episodes. Sometimes, they are acted out, and sometimes sung, as in the case of the paddanas, which are performed while transplanting rice. Stuart Blackburn and Joyce Flueckiger distinguish three kinds of oral epics in India: martial, sacrificial, and romantic. Some epics tell a story with multiple episodes and characters, and some are “multi-story” oral epics. Oral epics in India are very closely tied to communities, with performers, audience, and participants all belonging to the same community. Most oral epics are associated to rituals, the performance of some being the ritual itself. Caste also plays an important role in the performance or patronage of the oral epic traditions in India. \n\nThe great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata in some cases, enter the world of these local oral epics, where the performers are considered to be reincarnations of heroes and gods from these epics. According to Komal Kothari, an eminent folklorist of India, this phenomenon happens when the impact of the oral epic spreads beyond its initial local boundaries. Though we are not able to present full performances of all the oral epics, we believe that these recordings provide a good glimpse into the variety of meters, singing styles, and contexts that exist within these traditions. Three oral epics are presented in this volume. They are all part of larger collections, and each one is contributed by an expert on the genre who has done extensive research. The paddanas were contributed by Peter Claus, the Nanda Devi jagar by William Sax, and Alha by Karine Schomer.
India 2016
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Our Cultural Expressions: Indigenous Sounds of Fiji
Our Cultural Expressions: Indigenous Sounds of Fiji home\n(2017 Fiji-ICHCAP Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials)\n\nSince its foundation in 1904 as a national museum, the Fiji Museum has safeguarded and promoted various cultures and heritage of Pacific islands. The Fiji population consists mostly of iTaukei (native Fijians), Fijians of Indian descent, and Rotumans. The Fiji Museum has collected and shared tangible and intangible cultural heritage of such various ethnic groups through various methods to widely promote Fiji’s cultural heritage.\n\nIn 2017, ICHCAP carried out the Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Materials in cooperation with the Fiji Museum, which resulted in the digitization of five hundred hours of analogue materials. Based on this, ICHCAP has published an audiovisual collection, titled “Our Cultural Expressions: Indigenous Sounds of Fiji”, which contains selected digitized materials that well represent Fiji’s traditions. The Fiji Museum not just contributed to the digitization of analogue materials, but also supported the production of the collection to help more people discover the precious materials.\n\nThe Fijian collection consists of nine CDs and one DVD. The collection lists eighty tracks of chants, children’s songs, dance music, hymns, and folk songs of everyday life of Fijians that were recorded in the 1970s. The collection also features a video on mat weaving that was recorded in 1997. The video introduces mat weaving, which is considered an important element in the culture and life of Fijians, and its social and cultural significance. The collection is expected to be widely utilized in ICH-related research and also in education and transmission of the knowledge at schools.\n\nThe digitization project is meaningful in that it has restored analogue materials in Fiji, which were at risk of severe damage, to enhance academic values and raise public awareness of the materials. ICHCAP will continue its efforts to identify valuable materials in the Asia-Pacific region and provide a better access to ICH information through related projects.
Fiji 2017 -
Sounds from Mongolian Grasslands_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia
Sounds that Run in the Vast Grasslands of Mongolia_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia\n\nSince the early 1950s, the Institute of Language and Literature at the Academy of Science (ILL) has been sending survey teams one to three times a year to research and gather data on oral literature and local dialectics. These activities set the groundwork for officially establishing a new archive with written documents and magnetic audio tapes that could be used for research purposes and be maintained. Preserved on magnetic tapes are languages and dialects that have gone extinct, have lost their distinctiveness, or have been adsorbed into other languages or dialects.\n\nHowever, most of the magnetic tapes being kept at the ILL are more than sixty years old, and the expiration date on many tapes has already lapsed. Also, improper storage conditions have caused some tapes to dry out, cling to one another, or fracture. For these reason, it would be hard to transmit to the next generation. Accordingly, since 2008, efforts have been made towards restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes within the internal capability and capacity of the ILL. The lack of training, finance, and proper tools and technical equipment has, nevertheless, created several obstacles and the digitizing results have not been very successful.\n\nAt this crucial state, the ILL introduced a cooperative request to the Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage (FPNCH), and the FPNCH proposed that ICHCAP continue the joint project and take measures for restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes and distributing and disseminating the data among the general public. According to the above decision, the FPNCH and ICHCAP implemented the Joint Cooperation Project of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage by Using Information Technology from October 2011 to April 2012.\n\nAs the first stage of the project, the Expert Meeting for Safeguarding ICH by Using Information Technology was held in the Republic of Korea to exchange information with experts for digitizing and restoring the analogue data. The experts of Mongolian National Public Radio, the ILL, and the FPNCH started the project after sharing restoration and digitization knowledge with the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) of Korea, the National Archives of Korea, and the Korea Film Council.\n\nAs the main outcome of the project, a total of 715 hours of superannuated magnetic tapes including epics, folk tales, tales accompanied by the morin khuur, traditional arts, khuumei, chor, long and short folksongs, and traditional customs were restored, digitized, and categorized. Among them, 128 audio clips were selected and reproduced in a ten-CD collection called Sounds from the Mongolian Grasslands. The collection also includes a twenty-page handbook in English or Korean. Through this project, the general public’s, involved organizations’, and domestic and international experts’ awareness about Mongolian ICH increased, and the archive and music contents of regional ICH were strengthened.
Mongolia 2012
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Silk Roads ICH Networking Program Report
This book contains the presentation and discussion of the above international conference in the form of an online strategic meeting with Webinar, and the first chapter contains webinar presentations on the theme of Life, Environment and Intangible Heritage of Silk Road.\nIn addition, Chapter 2 contains rich examples of the diversity of intangible cultural heritage festivals, and chapters 3 and 4 contain network construction methods and presentations on joint cooperation projects through networks, respectively. In addition, a summary of each presentation and discussion on each topic were included, along with recommendations to create the Silk Road Intangible Heritage Network for 2021.
South Korea 2020 -
International Seminar on Digital Documentation as an Imperative Tool for Safeguarding Cultural Heritage
ICHCAP, together with the Digital Heritage Lab, Graduate School of Culture Technology, Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology, organized an international seminar entitle “Protecting the Past for the Future: Digital Documentation as One of the Imperative Tools for Safeguarding of Cultural Heritage,” 20 July 2019.\n\nThe seminar consisted of three sessions: the first covered the archiving and visualization of intangible cultural heritage; the second focused on digital documentation methods for tangible cultural heritage; and the third discussed the challenges faced by Korea in establishing cultural heritage-related digital data.
South Korea
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HEALING RITUALS OF BURYAT “SHAMANISM”In the Buryat tradition (and in the Mongolian as well), “shamans” were not pure shamans in the classical sense of the word. Those involved with medical affairs were considered mediums between the lower sphere of the Eternal Blue Sky (Khukhe Monke Tengeri) and land inhabitants. Eternal Blue Sky worship was a traditional religious belief of Mongolians. Cross-cultural influences with the neighboring Tunguso-Manchurian people, whose religious traditions may be identified as classical forms of shamanism, introduced the ideas of ‘shaman’ and ‘shamanism’ to the Mongols.Year2015NationSouth Korea
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India’s Disaster Reduction and Management through Intangible Cultural HeritageIt had taken a few weeks for roads to be cleared of rockfalls and to be made safe enough for vehicles carrying essential goods and supplies in the wake of the June 2013 flash floods and landslides in the western Himalayan region, in particular the mountainous state of Uttarakhand. A small team from the specialist center that I was associated with, the Centre for Environment Education Himalaya, was traveling to a few of the villages that had been affected, which were also villages in which the center had been working for some years before the natural disaster. Those in the small group were anxious. There had been no way to contact people in the villages nor even local administrators in the sub-district offices. Phone lines had yet to be restored, and mobile phone towers were being slowly replaced. Had there been casualties amongst the groups the center had trained? Were homes and school buildings still standing? No-one would know until they reached.Year2020NationSouth Korea