“Si Dou” is mostly made of the wood of Padauk. The wood of Padauk is compact . Sito which is made of Padauk is melodious and joyful and it comes to the force during truth-revealing scenes. It can also be made by the rain-tree but it is not as good as Padauk. It is made of tough -cow hide. The drum head is made of thick tough- cow hide so that it can be resistance when the strike with beaters. Near the drum head of Si To, there is the loop of leather which is like as a garland.It can be placed at an angle on the stand obliquely towards the Si To player.It is the leather instrument and the two heads of Sito are same and both of them can be struck with beaters. The middle portion is expanse and dome.

Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.

▶ Play Video 1. The World of a Maguindanao Virtuoso: This episode was first aired on Filipino television on August 18, 1994. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe Maguindanao (Magindanaw, Maguindanaw, Magindanao, Maguindanaon, Magindanaoan, Mindanao) form one of the large ethnic groups of the country. Most of the members are concentrated in the municipalities of Dinaig, Datu Piang, Shariff Aguak, and Buluan, in the province of Maguindanao.\n\nConstant contact with the Spaniards led to naming the entire island after the Maguindanao. The people practice Islam; their culture and social structure are deeply tied to this eligion, forming a conformity without which the group would not have been able to resist the incursions of the Spanish conquistadores. One of the three Philippine sultanates is aguindanao. The Maguindanao sultanate at one period in history could claim ritual authority over southwestern Mindanao. Their socio-political system and the hierarchical structure of their society are complex and similar to that of the Sulu sultanate.\n\nThere are three royal houses: Maguindanaon in Sultan Kudarat, Buayan in Datu Piang, and Kabuntalan in Tumbao, all of which trace their lineage to Sharif Kabunsuan, one of the earliest Muslim missionaries, and Sultan Kudarat. Customary law (adat) is applied, embodied in oral traditions and in accordance with the Paluwaran code, which contains provisions for very aspect of life.\n\nThe culture is characteristically lowland with a special adaptation to marshland, and wet rice is the staple food. Arts and crafts are well developed, exhibiting sophistication in eaving. Through waste mold technology metalwork and with the double-bellows Malaysian forge, they produce a wide range of bronze artifacts including betel-nut boxes, gongs, knives, racelets, and even the Southeast Asian cannon, the lantaka. The lantaka is not used just in warfare, but also as a prestigious status symbol.\n\nTheir ornamental art employs very characteristic design motifs that show affinity with the rest of Southeast Asia while retaining a distinctive ethnic identity. Their musical nstruments include a unique crocodile-motif version of the ubiquitous two-stringed lute, the kutyapi; the kulintang, which comprises eight brass gongs of graduated sizes; and the very large and deep agong, as well as various drums and flutes. Their music is characterized by drone and permutation.

The Babadok is a traditional percussion instrument of Timor-Leste, central to the soundscape of communal dance, ritual, and celebration. With its deep, resonant rhythm, the babadok doesn’t just keep time—it sets the emotional pulse of an event, weaving together the steps of dancers, the cadence of songs, and the energy of the gathered community.\n\nTypically made from a hollowed-out log or wooden tube covered at both ends with animal skin—often goat or cowhide—the babadok is lightweight and portable. Struck with the hands or sometimes with short wooden sticks, it produces a sharp, dry beat that is both grounding and expressive. The drumheads are stretched tightly and tied securely with natural fiber ropes, sometimes decorated with paint or carved patterns. Over time, each instrument develops its own distinct tone, shaped by use, climate, and craftsmanship.\n\nIn traditional ceremonies, particularly dances like tebe-tebe or tebe-lilin, the babadok is the heartbeat of the performance. It provides tempo, signals changes in movement, and helps dancers synchronize their steps. More than a musical tool, the babadok becomes a channel through which emotions—joy, sorrow, gratitude—are communicated and shared. During ritual gatherings, it may accompany singing, recitation of oral histories, or moments of spiritual invocation.\n\nThe instrument is most often played by women, though in some regions both men and women participate. Its accessibility is part of its charm—anyone with rhythm, respect, and a sense of the tradition can learn to play. Children often grow up hearing the babadok played at family ceremonies or village festivals, absorbing its patterns and rhythms before they ever try it themselves.\n\nCrafting a babadok is itself an act of cultural care. The choice of wood, the drying and stretching of the skins, and the tying of the drum all follow methods passed down through generations. Elders often guide young artisans in this process, emphasizing not just the technique but the responsibility that comes with creating something used in sacred and social spaces.\n\nDespite its enduring importance, the babadok—like many traditional instruments—faces challenges in modern times. Mass-produced drums and changing musical preferences mean that fewer young people are learning to make or play it. Still, efforts are being made to preserve the tradition, with community performances, school programs, and cultural events placing the instrument back at the center of public life.\n\nIn the rhythm of the babadok, one can hear more than music: it is the sound of continuity, of people moving together, of ancestors remembered and futures imagined. Whether echoing across a dusty dance circle or softly beating in a sacred house, the babadok remains a powerful symbol of Timor-Leste’s living heritage.

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

The main jaatraa of Bishnu Devi Temple in Tinthana, Kathmandu, is the Sat Gaunle jaatraa, an annual celebratory jaatraa that takes place in December. The festival lasts three days and three nights. On the third day before dawn, the chariots of the seven children of Goddess Bishnu Devi are brought together to visit their mother in her temple in Tinthana. They rest with her until the afternoon and then are returned to their respective village temples. The chariots are carried on the shoulders of devotees from the seven surrounding villages. Their arrival at Vishnu Devi Temple is heralded by the sounds of many kaa, drums, and cymbals.

The main jaatraa of Bishnu Devi Temple in Tinthana, Kathmandu, is the Sat Gaunle jaatraa, an annual celebratory jaatraa that takes place in December. The festival lasts three days and three nights. On the third day before dawn, the chariots of the seven children of Goddess Bishnu Devi are brought together to visit their mother in her temple in Tinthana. They rest with her until the afternoon and then are returned to their respective village temples. The chariots are carried on the shoulders of devotees from the seven surrounding villages. Their arrival at Vishnu Devi Temple is heralded by the sounds of many kaa, drums, and cymbals.

CD7_MUSIC OF BASTAR AND CHHATISGARH\n\nThe indigenous tribal communities of India belong to various language families. This selection of music comes from the region of what was known as Bastar and its surroundings but is today divided into the states of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. \n\nThis album presents some samples of the music of the Maria, Muria, and Pardhans. These subgroups are part of the larger Gond family. Gondi and the related languages belong to the Dravidian family. It provides a glimpse into the intangible cultural heritage of the tribes of Central India. \n\nThese recordings were made between 1978 and 1982 by ethnomusicologist Roderic Knight. They provide a glimpse into the tribal communities, which are fast changing.

CD2_JAATRAAS OF NEPAL\n\nA jaatraa is usually an annual festival associated with a particular god or goddess. A ritual is performed in a temple dedicated to the deity. People of all ages, ethnicities, and religions come together to celebrate a local jaatraa. It is believed that a god may join in the festival by possessing one of the participants. The possessed person is usually taller than others and often wears a turban. Other participants may also entera trance state, and they are also believed to be possessed by a god. This is considered a sign that the god is happy with the jaatraa. A jaatraa typically includes a procession in which the image of the god or goddess is mounted on a chariot accompanied by musicians and other worshippers.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 38 is 'Funeral Ceremonies and New Beginnings.'

This book contains the presentation and discussion of the above international conference in the form of an online strategic meeting with Webinar, and the first chapter contains webinar presentations on the theme of Life, Environment and Intangible Heritage of Silk Road. In addition, Chapter 2 contains rich examples of the diversity of intangible cultural heritage festivals, and chapters 3 and 4 contain network construction methods and presentations on joint cooperation projects through networks, respectively. In addition, a summary of each presentation and discussion on each topic were included, along with recommendations to create the Silk Road Intangible Heritage Network for 2021.