ALL
female deity
ICH Elements 12
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Dueza: A Bon Ritual
Due-za was a Bon Ritual that was once practiced in Yurung Gewog (block) under Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district). It was believed to have been brought from Tibet by the ancestors. There is no written or oral record of the preceders, however, Lopen Kapai was the last holder of the ritual according to the informants. Every three years in between the third and fourth lunar months, people from three gewogs namely, Yurung, Khominang, and Thungo would gather in a place called Aring in Lawung village. They would hold the ritual and do the same offerings to the local deities for a week. To make the offering, the men are grouped into three age groups; the strong adult men, the middle-aged, and the children. The people would know their duties and prepare for the ritual. The adult men would hunt deer, reindeer, and other large animals. The middle-aged men would fish from the rivers and the boys would catch birds. Meanwhile, the women would roast the cereals and grind. They only cast head of their catch for the offering. The remaining carcass was either left in the jungle or the hunters kept it for themselves as per the informant. They never consumed the meat of their catch during the ceremony. They prepared the altar led by Lopen (Master) Kapai (shrine) and the heads of the animals were displayed in it. The locals did not have a particular deity but would seek protection from the Dangling deity and Abi Jomo. Lopen would recite mantras while making the offerings. After the offering, four people would join their hands by crisscrossing to take a seat and a person would mount on it. He will be raised above and carried around. He would holler out ‘Wayo Wayo’ or ‘Bae Bae’ led by the Lopen and the people would join in the hollering. Every person would have roasted flour (Kapchi in local dialect) in their Gho (Bhutanese male dress) or Kira (Bhutanese female dress) pockets. They would take out a handful and force-feed to the nearest person for fun. People would prepare their best cuisines and have a potluck culture along with the local liquors; Ara, Bangchang, and Singchang. All entrances would be sealed and no Buddhist practitioners were allowed to enter and participate in the ritual. In case a practitioner entered unknowingly, it was believed a bad omen would befall the community and hence, would be blamed and dealt with accordingly. Accumulation of merits or carrying out virtuous acts by the members were prohibited. Dueza was said to have been performed for ages but the head of the village realized it to be immoral and against Buddhism. Upon discussion, the people agreed to cease the practice. They put forward an application to the Home Minister, Late Lyonpo Tamzing Jagar on the thirteenth lunar date of December 1966 to officially release an order to stop the practice. The order was declared on the fifteenth lunar date of December 1966. The great transition appeared after the kago (the blessings) from the three great Buddhist masters of the time, Gyalwang Karmapa Rangjung Rigpai Dorji, Kyabji Duejom Rinpoche Jigdral Yeshey Dorji, and Kyabji Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche.
Bhutan -
Worship of Mother Goddess Âu Cơ
The Worship of Mother Goddess Âu Cơ is the worship of Mother Âu Cơ- the Mother of the Bách Việt at the Mother Temple in Hiền Lương Commune (Hạ Hoà, Phú Thọ) originating from the legend that the origin of the Vietnamese people is Lạc Long Quân and Âu Cơ giving birth to a sac of one hundred eggs. From this belief, the people of Hạ Hoà built a temple to worship Mother Âu Cơ as a saint, the ancestor of the Vietnamese people and organize a festival. Every year, from the 7th to the 9th of January (the main festival is the 7th - death day of mother Âu Cơ), the people of Hiền Lương hold a festival to worship. During the festival, there are sacrifices, palanquin processions, and offerings. The sacrificial team has a male and female sacrificial team. The worship of Mother Âu Cơ was born in a mystical consciousness to create a strong, close-knit connection and solidarity among the Vietnamese people, because they share the same bloodline and the same main deity to worship, and moreover, that main deity is the Mother herself.
Viet Nam -
Lha-soel: Offerings to the god of Sangbekha Community
The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.
Bhutan -
General Lê Chân Festival
General Lê Chân was a military general under the The Trung Sisters period, along with the heroic leaders of the uprising, participated in the fight against the Han invaders and became a general with many achievements, demonstrating the spirit of independence and self-determination of our nation in the early years of the Christian era. In order to express gratitude for her great merits, the people of Hải Phòng built a temple to worship her, honoring her as the Holy Mother, the tutelary deity of the coastal region and organizing a festival. The traditional festival of Female General Lê Chân is held annually on the 7th, 8th and 9th of the second lunar month with main activities such as: Incense offering ritual to commemorate the holy birthday of General Lê Chân, the main ritual, the procession ritual, the thanksgiving ritual and cultural and sports activities. General Lê Chân festival is an occasion for the community to remember the life, career and great achievements of Female General Lê Chân - the person who reclaimed the land, established the village to build the ancient An Biên village, Hải Phòng city today.
Viet Nam
ICH Materials 85
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Percussion and Performance - Drumming Traditions
CD8_PERCUSSION AND PERFORMANCE – DRUMMING TRADITIONS\n\nPercussion and drumming traditions are found all over India. A wide variety of drums and other percussive instruments are played in a variety of contexts, and frequently have ritual implications. This album presents two very different traditions: the tayampaka temple drumming of Kerala, and the dhol-damau of Uttarakhand, a combination that is used in various contexts in this mountain region. Both percussion traditions are forms of ritual drumming. Tayampaka is a genre of temple musical instrument art performed throughout North and Central Kerala. It can be performed on a variety of instruments but is most well known as a centa (tow headed cylindrical stick drum) composition usually played by marars, a temple drummer singer caste. It is one of the forms of the chenda melam or chenda ensemble. Though tayampaka is mainly performed as part of temple rituals it is also played in other contexts. As a temple ritual, the drumming is considered an offering to the gods or goddesses. In all the tracks presented here, a vocal performance is featured with the drumming. The tayampaka tracks were recorded by Rolf Groesbeck and are part of his collection. The dhol-damau of Garhwal in Uttarakhand is a twodrum ensemble. Though the double-barrel drum may be played by itself, the damau is never played on its own. The dhol is played while standing. \n\nThe drummer uses the left hand to strike the left head of the drum while a stick is used in the right hand. A variety of strokes are used on both drum heads. The dhol is known for its power and sanctity in all parts of India, including the Garhwal region. The damau is a shallow kettle drum that is heard almost exclusively in partnership with the dhol at outdoor rituals and entertainment events. The damau is played with two thick sticks slightly curved at the playing end. The dhol is considered female and the damau male. The term baje is used for the various drumming patterns. The dhol-damau performances presented in this album are related to the Pandav Lila ritual theatre and dancing of Garhwal in Uttarakhand. Actors take the role of the Pandavas from the Mahabharata epic which is acted out in the open. As they act, the performers get possessed by the spirit of the characters they are playing and begin to dance. Drumming is known to bring in a state of possession. There are specific baje (rhythmic patterns) for the various characters of the Pandav Lila. The tracks presented in this album are demonstrations, where the various baje are elicited and not part of an ongoing Pandav Lila performance where these patterns would not be audible. The tracks presented here were recorded by Andrew Alter as part of his research on the Pandav Lila. The audio was extracted from video recordings that were digitized for this project.
India 2016 -
Historical Recordings from the 1930s by Arnold Bake Vol 1_Lullabies
CD1_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL 1: LULLABIES\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called\n\nTefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. The Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now.\n\nAn Album of Lullabies and Cradle Songs - Lullabies exist in every culture, as singing or making sounds to help children fall asleep is a universal phenomenon. In India, lullabies are also part of the life cycle ceremonies associated with the birth of a child. Thus, they tend to have an added ritualistic purpose. The themes sometimes include aspects of devotional music and might invoke the blessings of gods or refer to the childhoods of deities. Rituals that celebrate the births of gods such as Krishna often make use of songs composed in lullaby form and that may be sung to babies. The concept of an album of lullabies and cradle songs recorded in a part of India in the late 1930s may seem narrow. However, the recurrence of lullabies in Bake’s recordings raises some interesting questions. Did Bake consider them life-cycle songs? Were they everyday songs that people considered traditional? Many – if not all – the lullabies have meaningless syllables, which are perhaps intended to soothe the child. For example, the syllables jo jo seem to occur in Kannada and Marathi lullabies, and perhaps in other Indian languages.
India 2016
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ICH Courier Vol.28 ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 28 is 'ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces.'
South Korea 2016 -
ICH Courier Vol.37 ICH and Water Management
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 37 is 'ICH and Water Management.'
South Korea 2018
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Chak-Ka-Yer: Traditional Tug-of-War of ThailandChak-ka-yer is a Thai word similar in meaning to tug-of-war in western countries. It is one of the oldest folk team games in Thailand. Thai people across the country know chak-ka-yer, and many may have had some direct and indirect experience with this game, either as participants or observ-ers. Chak-ka-yer benefits Thai society in several ways. People use chak-ka-yer for fun, pleasure, recreation, and relaxation from their routine work. Chak-ka-yer is played between teams, groups, or communities to test their physical strength. The game does not focus on competition, team preparation, contest regulations, and championship, but rather on unity, friendship, morale, and incentive of communities. Chak-ka-yer as a game is related to thoughts, beliefs, customs, traditions, rituals, and values of the people in different areas. Chak-ka-yer is a high-level game of development and doesn’t focus on systematic contests; it has specific agency to respond to and has the team seriously trained and practiced to win the championship. Chak-ka-yer as a sport is left unmentioned in this article since it has become an international sport.Year2019NationJapan,Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Ukraine,Viet Nam
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Safeguarding ICH at Viharas in Nepal during the Month of GunlaNepal boasts an abundance of temples, monasteries (or viharas), and other socio-cultural places where various ICH practices are performed. Here, various forms of religious and non-religious activities take place on a daily basis; but during special festivals and occasions, they are transformed into workshops of ICH practice. This article will touch upon the annual activities at the Buddhist viharas of Kathmandu Valley during the holy month of Gunla (August–September).Year2022NationNepal