ALL
festival offering
ICH Elements 84
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Gesar epic tradition
The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.
China 2009 -
Chubja Tsan-choed: Invoking the Local Deity of Chubja Community
The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.
Bhutan -
Bumchod: A thousand offerings to Local Deities
Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.
Bhutan -
Then Rituals of the Tày
Then ritual is a long-standing, indispensable cultural and religious activity of the Tay ethnic people, Ha Giang province; is a type of religious epic of the Tày people here, mainly practiced by Then men and women, associated with the ability to find “khoăn” (spirit), capable of leading ghosts to Mường Heaven. Then must have "fate" and be a member of the family with a tradition of Then making. The rituals describe the journey of Master Then (Mr. Then and Mrs. Then) from Mường Earth to Mường Heaven, through the gates to offer offerings and pray for the best things for the people to have good health and a long life. live a prosperous, happy life. Mường Heaven is the residence of gods, with supernatural powers, not everyone has enough ability to reach Mường Heaven. In Mường Earth, only Then masters have special abilities and can go to Mường Heaven. Therefore, Master Then is the character connecting the upper world (the gods) with the human world. Depending on the purpose, Master Then will set up an offering tray and recite prayers in front of the altar of Then, ancestors, or different local gods. In the process of performing Then rituals, Then masters often use props such as lute, squirrel bunches, squirrel fruit, tokens, chain gods, amulets, fish traps, yin and yang cards, drums, gongs, scrapers, spikes, bamboo sticks, etc. Classified according to the form of expression, there are Then quạt and Then tính, in which Then quạt was born earlier. Classified by content, there are Then Ky Yen and Then Festival. Each Then line, each Then region has different regulations on practices and melodies to convey the story content at each Then journey. The main rituals Then performed included offerings to cure illnesses, relieve droughts, pray for good harvests, and remove flowers. Ha Giang currently has about 60 offerings. In particular, Then Cấp Sắc is considered a cultural feature of the Tày people, Ha Giang.
Viet Nam 2019
ICH Materials 144
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Chundu Soelchod or Soelkha (Invoking Chundu, a Local Deity)
Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap.\n\nIn the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle.\n\nPeople also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself.\n\nIn Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.
Bhutan -
Chundu Soelchod or Soelkha (Invoking Chundu, a Local Deity)
Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap.\n\nIn the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle.\n\nPeople also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself.\n\nIn Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.
Bhutan
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Chundu Soelchod or Soelkha (Invoking Chundu, a Local Deity)
Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap.\n\nIn the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle.\n\nPeople also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself.\n\nIn Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.
Bhutan Sunday, December 26, 2021 -
The Wonder Woman of Wood Painting highlight
Foshan Woodblock Painting is a kind of well-known folk woodblock paintings of South China. It is mainly produced in Foshan City, Guangdong Province, Consequently it was named Foshan Woodblock Painting.\nThere has been much important research on the history of Chinese New Year pictures, but there are still different opinions on how to rescue New Year pictures from the brink of disappearance and how to fit them into the modern life. As far as Liu Zhongping can see, the revival of New Year pictures is not something that can be achieved by making one or two field visits and publishing one or two articles, but something that needs to be acted out. That is to say, it is necessary to carry out social practice that help to activate traditional culture with a focus on inheritors rather than researchers.\nIn this regard, from the “Intangible Cultural Heritage Inheritors’ Training Program” to the “Revitalization Program of Chinese Traditional Crafts” to the recent “New Year Pictures Back to Spring Festival”, some explorations and attempts have been made around the inheritance and innovation of New Year pictures. From inheritor’s study and training to holding exhibitions and cross-disciplinary dialogues, from developing experience-oriented craft courses to developing new products and expanding sales channels, under the guidance of the intangible heritage protection concepts of “Seeing People, Seeing Things, Seeing Life” and “Leading by Usage” in the new era, New Year pictures practitioners, local people and all stakeholders have gradually regained confidence in the revival of New Year pictures.\nThe first step is always the hardest. On top of a good start, further progress is needed. It’s imperative to know the sticky issues and difficulties and come up with targeted, creative and feasible solutions. As a practitioner, She takes the liberty of thinking about several key points in practice, offering advice and suggestions to practitioners and decision-makers, and hoping to contribute to the revival of New Year pictures. China has entered the twenty-first century. The social scenes that endow New Year pictures with meaning year after year have vanished. It is very difficult for us to ask people to change their house gates back to the old-fashioned style, and it is also very difficult for young people to observe the traditional festival customs. However, what we can do is not only to enshrine New Year pictures in museums, but also to keep pace with the times and find a place for New Year pictures in modern life.\nThrough her effort and hardwork, she focuses on the innovation of Foshan Woodblock Painting and meets the needs young people She updates some painitngs, such as the mobil phones shell, schoolbags, notebooks as well as painitng gift packs. By the resurrection of the gods through a number of newly designed derivatives,now the paitings are popular among the local people. And she believes her master's dream as well as hers of continuing and spreading the national intangible cultural heritages have been realized
China 2019
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2020 ICH NGO Conference : ICH and Resilience in Crisis
On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n
South Korea 2020 -
3rd APHEN-ICH International Seminar Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific
Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.
South Korea 2021
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Sacred Chants of Nepal
CD5_SACRED CHANTS OF NEPAL\n\nIt is believed that all spiritual chants are addressed to Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses. Chanting helps people to be aware that the past is gone, that the future has yet to come, and that one can only be sure of the present moment and should act accordingly. People chant to wish for goodness for all beings and to ask God to lead them from darkness to light, from mortal life to immortality, from falsehood to truth, and towards universal brother and sisterhood. One’s life should be dedicated to God's service, offering kindness to all creatures, and always to putting others' needs before one’s own aspirations, hoping to one day attain anandam.
Nepal 2016 -
Kartatak Classical Instrumental Music-nagaswaram Performance by Kottur Rajrathnam Pillai
CD9_KARTATAK CLASSICAL INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC – NAGASWARAM PERFORMANCE BY KOTTUR RAJRATHNAM PILLAI\n\nKottur N. Rajarathnam is a master of the south Indian conical-shaped reedpipe with a double reed known as the n ā gasvaram (Sanskrit; Tamil spelling: n ā kacuram ) or n ā dasvaram . He leads an ensemble of musicians known as periya m ēḷ am (Tamil, “the big ensemble”), which for centuries has been producing auspicious music ideal for offering to the gods and for enabling a joyous ambiance at weddings and other important life-cycle events. Indeed, at weddings and the events surrounding the actual wedding ceremony, the periya mēḷam is expected to accompany women who sing traditional songs for the each stage of the wedding. The ensemble is at its best when performing at night on the streets surrounding the major temples, as the instruments are ideal for an outdoor setting. Temple musicians and a visiting ensemble often perform as part of temple activities and all-night street processions, and indoors for concerts and at weddings and other life-cycle events. \n\nPlayers carefully modulate their tone to suit the acoustics of indoor spaces. Accompanying Kottur Rajarathnam is a second nāgasvaram player, shadowing his playing and helping to maintain the continuity of the performance. He is a skilled master drummer, who plays the tavil (sometimes known as tavul ). He plays this double-skin barrel drum with a beater in the left hand and the four fingertips of the right hand covered by thimbles, producing a characteristically bright, sharply percussive range of sounds. The tavil matches the nāgasvaram in brightness of sound, volume, and penetrating tone. The t āḻ am (small hand cymbals made of bell metal) marks the rhythmic cycle being performed and a free-reed bellowspumped drone box, the curutipe ṭṭ i (Tamil, “drone box”), produces the necessary tonal reference for the nāgasvaram. Since the mid-twentieth century, the instrumentation of the periya mēḷam has undergone changes. Perhaps most significantly, the pitch of the nāgasvaram and of the tavil has been lowered. The nāgasvaram and tavil became larger to produce a deeper sound. In this recording, Kottur Rajarathnam and his ensemble play four rāgas, including four kirtanas (a devotional song genre) and three kinds of improvisation characteristic of Karṇāṭak music. Improvisation in Karṇāṭak music can be understood as unmetered melodic improvisation and as metered improvisation following the performance of the compositions. The unmetered improvisation heard here is known as ā l ā pana (Sanskrit, “conversation”) and is unmetered melodic exploration of a rāga. The two kinds of metered improvisation heard here are svara kalpana (“note imagination”) and tavil solo improvisation. Svara kalpana is played after the composition has been concluded. It consists of sequential passages of svara (“note”) playing that develop from short, relatively slow passages to longer passages at faster speeds. Though they might not all start from the same position relative to the tāḷa cycle, each of the each svara kalpana passages concludes with a return to a selected phrase of the composition. For his performance, Kottur Rajarathnam selected three songs by Tyagarāja. This comes as no surprise, as this outstanding composer left a plethora of compositions ranging from short pieces for religious congregational singing to the most sophisticated and erudite compositions. He is also well known for having produced standalone compositions in rare rāgas, such as the composition in rāga vāgadīśvarī in this album. Tyagarāja (b. Tiruvaiyyār, 1767-1847) was a saintly brāhmaṇ composer. His family was from Andhra Pradesh but settled in Tañjāvūr. His grandfather Girirāja was a poet and musician at the court of the maharāja of Tañjāvūr. Tyagarāja composed kirtanas in his mother tongue, Telugu, as well as in Sanskrit. He is revered by musicians and music-lovers as one of three great contemporary composers, whose brilliance and popularity have almost obscured the music and achievements of their predecessors. In the popular mind, Tyagarāja is the most prominent of all Karṇāṭak musicians and his annual memorial celebrations ( ā r ā dhana) attract hundreds of musicians, thousands of audience members, and even more listeners through the broadcast media. His life story was made into a film and numerous bhāgavatars continue to re-tell versions of his life replete with his compositions. His charisma and his exceptional musical repertoire was passed down with succeeding generations of singers and instrumentalists who have polished his works. His pieces have even penetrated the repertoire of dancers attracted by the music, even though his compositions were not originally intended for dance, though he did write several music dramas. Tyagarāja unequivocally rejected the offers of position as a court musician as he was completely averse to singing the praises of mere mortals—something court musicians were obliged to do. Instead he lived an austere life, composing as an expression of religious devotion ( bhakti ), especially to his beloved Rāma. The kirtana form that Tyagarāja favored had two or three sections. \n\nAll the kirtanas in this album have three sections: pallavi, anupallavi, and caraṇam. In the pallavi the semantic theme of the composition is stated, though this is not apparent when an instrumentalist performs. The anupallavi develops the raga and moves the melodic range higher up the scale to the higher octave. After the anupallavi, the pallavi is repeated as a refrain. The caraṇam usually moves into the middle range and often explores the lower octave. The pallavi refrain is repeated to conclude the performance. A common feature in many of Tyagaraja’s kirtanas is the repetition of the anupallavi melody as the second half of the usually longer caraṇam. These audio recordings are extracted from the collection of video recordings made by Yoshitaka Terada, a wellknown scholar of the Nagaswaram who has written extensively on the topic.
India 2016
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ICH Courier Vol.26 HEALING RITUALS AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 26 is 'HEALING RITUALS AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE.'
South Korea 2015 -
2016 Research Reports of CPI Participants
As part of the Cultural Partnership Initiative of 2016, ICHCAP invited ICH professionals from Malaysia, Mongolia, Sri Lanka and Tonga. Each participant researched ICH topics of interest that relate to comparative studies, sustainable development, traditional medicine, and safeguarding organizations. These reports were compiled into a bound publication and is now made available as an online download.
South Korea 2016
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Traditional Food Consumption of Baul Communities in Bangladesh: Towards the World of Zero HungerThe life of the Bauls of Bangladesh revolves around body-centric ascetic practice termed sadhana. Bauls believe in the co-existence of every element of the endless Brahmanda, meaning universe in the human body. Thus, they make caring for the body their highest priority over anything else. They have created extensive verse about body-centric sadhana codes that they transmit through song. The verses or songs include descriptions of control over the consumption of daily necessaries, mainly food. And, they believe in the doctrine মানুষ যা খায়, সে তাই (a human is what he or she consumes). They also judge food as medicine, as the need to live a hale and hearty.Year2020NationBangladesh
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Together with the Community Identifying the Values, Safeguarding Len Dong Mediumship – A Shamanism Heritage of VietnamThe Law on Cultural Heritage of Vietnam (adopted in 2001, revised in 2009) is the most important legal tool for safeguarding heritage, both natural and cultural, and tangible and intangible, in Vietnam. Compatible to UNESCO’s 2003 Convention on safeguarding intangible cultural heritage, the Law on Cultural Heritage of Vietnam acknowledges and protects the cultural creations of the community produced out of their own needs, through their awareness and labour. Such cultures have a strong attachment to them from one generation to another and become the identity of the community or groups of people in society and their heritage and the heritage of the nation and humankind. Lên Đồng (mediumship) is a religious practice of the Viet/Kinh, the majority group in Vietnam. This ritual originated from the worship of the Mother Goddess. Lên Đồng possibly started in the 15th century and has existed continuously in the people’s life. Yet, in some periods of time, it was not recognized and thus was not practiced openly. Today, Lên Đồng and the worship of the Mother Goddess are open, common and developed in Vietnam. Their values and practice are being studied, clarified and acknowledged for their protection as a national heritage. This work has been carried out with good results thanks to the participation of many scholars, cultural policy makers and especially the self-awareness of identifying and introducing the values of this cultural heritage of the Mother Goddess Worship community. We’d like to express our thanks to ICHCAP and the authorities of Jindo City for inviting us to this Workshop “Safeguarding Shamanism Heritage in Asia”. My paper will present a case study entitled “Together with the community identifying the values, safeguarding Lên đồng mediumship, a Shamanism heritage in Vietnam”Year2013NationViet Nam