ALL
musical folk
ICH Elements 65
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Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017
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Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole of the Tai
Originating from the worship of General Trần Công Bát at Cấm Temple, the Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole is held annually by the Tai people in Xuan Phuc Commune on the 15th day of the first lunar month to express gratitude to their ancestors, heaven and earth, and gods, and to pray for favorable weather, a prosperous, peaceful, and happy life. The Tai people consider this a cultural and artistic activity of the community, so everyone in the village participates in full force. This ceremony usually lasts from 1 to 3 days and nights, to satisfy the spiritual needs of all classes of people in the village. The Bông Ritual Pole is the centerpiece of the festival, symbolizing the life of the village and nature. The most unique feature of the “Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy” Festival is the singing and dancing under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Bông Ritual Pole is made of bamboo or bamboo, the Bông Ritual Pole flowers are made from mulberry trees, cassava trees, and tens of platforms with shapes of birds, animals, and production tools. Depending on the generation of the Mo family, the Bông Ritual Pole is made from 3, 5, 7 to 9 or 12 floors. Currently, the Bông Ritual Pole in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival in Roọc Răm village, Xuân Phúc commune is allowed to be 9 floors (meaning it has gone through 9 generations of Mo masters), with thousands of gerbera flowers from 30 to 40 petals. Each Bông Ritual Pole is compared by the people to a human destiny, each flower is a crop season. The festival is divided into two parts: The ceremony part is the spiritual rituals - the basic prayers told by the Mo masters about the story of establishing the village, establishing the village, praising ancestors, and those who have contributed. The person who plays the role of "God", plays the role of "Muong Troi" in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole has borrowed the "power" of the god to teach people to do good things, not to do evil, and to love each other. The festival is a system of 26-50 performances performed by Shamans or "Shaman Guests" such as: chopping wood, farming, sword dancing, sweeping the house, people playing the khene... each performance has a god from Muong Troi participating (played by the Shaman). In addition, there is also the playing of traditional musical instruments: Gongs, bamboo flutes, drums, boong bu, khene, flute; along with folk games such as: Hat khap, jumping on bamboo poles, beating mats, tug of war, throwing con... and cultural and culinary exchange. All rituals and performances take place under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole has the meaning of community consolidation, and has a high traditional education value in the community. Through this ritual, the entire life of the community is recreated, including production activities, behavioral culture, beliefs... creating a unique and distinctive cultural and artistic form. From the long-standing spiritual and cultural values, the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole of Roọc Răm cultural village, Xuan Phuc commune, Nhu Thanh district, Thanh Hoa province was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2017.
Viet Nam -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011
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Peking opera
Integrating singing, reciting, dancing and martial arts performing, Peking Opera is a comprehensive performing art of traditional opera. In mid 19th Century, having incorporated elements of various opera forms from both northern and southern China, Peking Opera came into being. It was first created by civilians. Its development was then greatly promoted by the royal family, and reached its peak in the capital city of Beijing. Peking Opera is the most widespread and influential among over 300 opera forms in China. Hence it is also called the “National Opera”. Beijing dialect is used in the singing and reciting of Peking Opera where rhyme is of great importance. There is also a strict set of rules and forms of libretto composition. Peking Opera is based on Xipi tune and Erhuang tune. Xipi tune is applied to express passion, joy and ecstasy, whereas Erhuang tune is used to depict sadness and grief. Music (singing) plays a key role in setting the pace of the show, creating a proper atmosphere, shaping the characters, and smoothing the progress of the story. Traditional musical instruments are used in Peking Opera shows, where the drummer plays the role of a conductor and the “Jinghu” player acts as the first violinist in an orchestra. Strings and pipes, such as Jinghu, Yueqin and Sanxian, are known for their tender and melodious sounds, which are called “Wen Yue”, or civilian music. Whereas percussions including Bangu and Daluo make brisk and powerful beats, which are called “Wu Yue”, or military music. Singing and dancing are equally important to the performance of Peking Opera, which is characterized by its formularized and symbolic style. Performers have to follow the established format of movements of hands, eyes, body, and feet. Peking Opera only requires simple stage settings and props, following the principle of abstract presentation of big items (for example houses and walls are not necessary on stage) and specific presentation of small items (tables, chairs, cups and saucers, for instance, are used as props on stage). The exquisite and skilful acting of the performers can also help to unfold a virtual yet vivid stage setting to the audience. The costume and headdress in Peking Opera are flamboyant. The facial make-up is exaggerative and delicate. The lively opera face shows the character’s personality and social identity with concise symbols, colours and patterns, expressing the traditional Chinese aesthetic ideals. The storylines of Peking Opera originate from history, anecdotes and folk legends. About 100 of more than 3,000 Peking Opera shows are still being performed frequently today, such as “The Twin Bliss of Dragon and Phoenix”, “The Tipsy Imperial Concubine”, and “The Orphan of Zhao”. Over the process of its transmission, over 30 schools of Peking Opera with different singing characteristics have been gradually developed. The most famous schools include the Mei School (founded by Mei Lanfang) and the Tan School (created by Tan Xinpei). The Mei School, a performance system named after Mei Lanfang, is regarded as a representative of China’s opera performance systems, and one of the three major opera performance systems of the world. Nowadays, it is mostly the practitioners of professional and amateur troupes who shoulder the mission of passing down Peking Opera. Beijing Peking Opera House, Tianjin Peking Opera House, and Shanghai Peking Opera House play the most significant role in the transmission and development of Peking Opera. Prestigious Peking Opera artists, such as Wang Jinlu, Tan Yuanshou, Mei Baojiu, Li Changchun, Zhao Baoxiu, not only inherit their respective schools in a creative way, but also shoulder the responsibility of training performers of a younger generation. The traditional performing art of Peking Opera is still well received by the public. In Beijing alone it attracts over one million audiences every year. Some Peking Opera fans can not only appreciate it, but also practice it. They are also making a special contribution to the survival and development of Peking Opera. Opera towers and guild halls dedicated to staging Peking Opera shows, such as Huguang Guild Hall in Beijing and Tianchan Yifu Stage in Shanghai, are important cultural venues for relative communities and their “spiritual wonderland”. The major mode of transmission of Peking Opera is to “conduct oral teaching and inspire true understanding of the trainee”. In the past, the master of an opera troupe applied such a method to train his disciples. Even today, this mode is still being extensively used in opera trainings. As an inheritor and practitioner, each Peking Opera performer has to go through a series of rigorous and systematic training at a young age. A trainee will gradually master basic skills including reciting, singing, dancing, and martial arts performing through taking oral instructions from the master, and observing the master’s behaviour. A performing artist of Peking Opera will need to constantly improve his or her artistic attainments through a long-term practice, so as to enrich and solidify the heritage. The representative bearers of Peking Opera typically have mastery of various forms of traditional Chinese culture, such as calligraphy and history, and they are very respected by the public. Peking Opera is unique in its perfect, romantic and abstract way of performing. It is the practitioners’ special expression of their feelings and aesthetic ideals. It is also an important symbol of Chinese cultural identity.
China 2010
ICH Stakeholders 2
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Prabartana
Prabartana is a social enterprise, working since 1986 with the artisans related to handloom for market linkage and revival of Tangail Taant shaari. The organisation provides training to the weavers with improved technical enhancement like documentation of pattern in computer instead of manual style of Jacquard patter design. As a safeguarding action they are involved in artisans’ exhibition and workshop for cultural exchange, audio-visual documentations and publications of books, social media based promotions and audience development with the use of website, webpage, newspaper articles and festival relevant brochures. Resource mobilisation is done through individual investments and collaborations with Government organisations for tourism and craft. The initiatives have helped ICH practitioners to acquire skills and enhance livelihood opportunities. Most of the beneficiaries are women from the marginalized communities living in the remote villages. They are now working for the revival several near lost performing folk art forms like Banbibir Pot (Sundarban), Chunaibibir Gaan (Chittagong), Song Jatra (Tangail), Meyeli Geet (Tangail, Kishorganj & Mymensingh) and Alkap (Chapai). They are also working on the crafts and musical instruments of Monipuri community.
Bangladesh -
BITA (Bangladesh Institute of Theatre Arts)
Bangladesh Institute of Theatre Arts (BITA) is a Non Government Organisation established in 2004. The oraganisation works in the sector of performing arts, crafts and oral tradition for safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH). Performing arts (like theatre, Kabi Gaan, folk songs etc.) is the specialization area where the organisation works closely using diverse modalities with engagement of grassroots artists from rural and urban area entangling multiple ingredients of cultural heritage like use of traditional musical instruments, folk cultural forms. The organisation has been working with multiple communities which are mainly derived from disadvantaged and neglected section of the society including fisher folk, ethnic minorities, peasants, blacksmiths, grassroots artisans, slum dwellers, children, youth adolescents, women etc from Chittagong, Cox’s Bazar, Lakshmipur, Noakhali, Feni and Bandarban Hill District. The extensive use of performing arts have been playing significant role reviving and promoting the cultural heritage from one generation to another in order to expedite human rights promotion, social harmony and sustainable development. The ICH safeguarding activities that they undertake are: skill development- technical improvement, knowledge sharing, workshop activities, use of folk elements, etc. They have initiated cultural exchange and are working within and outside the country. BITA also has documentation and publication both in the form of audio and books. As an organisation, BITA has been successful in engaging youth to take part in ICH practices and activities related to safeguarding and promotion activities of ICH as livelihood options.
Bangladesh
ICH Materials 538
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Gar-chham (the mask dance)
Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. \n\nThese sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. \n\nWhether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities witnessed during the intermediate state of all the sentient beings. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death.\n\nTsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their \ntradition.\n
Bhutan -
Gar-chham (the mask dance)
Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. \n\nThese sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. \n\nWhether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities visualized in the meditative state of a spiritual being. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death.\n\nTsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their \ntradition.
Bhutan
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Tajikistan Naburz and children's highlight
Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, 2016 Navruz is celebrated in Iranian cultures such as Tajikistan. As it is a happy festive day to welcome the spring after the long winter, the children enjoy various games. This video shows the children at play. Girls wear traditional Tajik costumes, and boys wear formal clothes while playing games like pebꠓble tossing and catching, kite flying, stick tossing, skipping rope, hacky sack, arm wrestling, swinging, breaking eggs. They also sing, allowing viewers to also feel cheerfulness of a festive day and become quite comfortable.\nLabchang, a musical instrument known from ancient times, received its name because it is placed between the lips and is played by a finger. Some old people in a few areas of Tajikistan continue to play labchang, so the art of playing has almost disappeared. The young generation generally doesn’t even now about the instrument. This film is dedicated to the methods of play on various types of labchangs in different parts of Tajikistan.\nVarious dance forms are performed in relation to nature throughout Tajikistan. The dances are varied, mainly having an imitating character. Performed by folk artists, the dances are transferred from generation to generation. Some of the rare dances are gone with their performers. The Pamiri people perform a rare mourning dance that is currently performed only in Bartang Valley and is on the verge of disappearances. Other dance forms are being revived day by day.
Tajikistan 2017 -
Ca trù Singing
Ca trù is a complex form of sung poetry found in the north of Viet Nam using lyrics written in traditional Vietnamese poetic forms. Ca trù groups comprise three performers: a female singer who uses breathing techniques and vibrato to create unique ornamented sounds, while playing the clappers or striking a wooden box, and two instrumentalists who produce the deep tone of a three-stringed lute and the strong sounds of a praise drum. Some Ca trù performances also include dance. The varied forms of Ca trù fulfill different social purposes, including worship singing, singing for entertainment, singing in royal palaces and competitive singing. Ca trù has fifty-six different musical forms or melodies, each of which is called thể cách. Folk artists transmit the music and poems that comprise Ca trù pieces by oral and technical transmission, formerly, within their family line, but now to any who wish to learn. Ongoing wars and insufficient awareness caused Ca trù to fall into disuse during the twentieth century. Although the artists have made great efforts to transmit the old repertoire to younger generations, Ca trù is still under threat of being lost due to the diminishing number and age of practitioners.
Viet Nam 2013
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The Traditional Musical Instruments on Myanmar
The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.
Myanmar 2014 -
2020 ICH NGO Conference : ICH and Resilience in Crisis
On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n
South Korea 2020
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Điệu đàn vui (A happy tune) - Solo for a string instrument
According to statistics data of 2009, Phù lá ethnic minority had over ten thousand people, mostly living in Lào Cai. Phù lá ethnic minority lives in different small hamlets, each of which usually has between ten and fifteen roofs. The Phù lá lives in a region with many other ethnic minorities, such as Hmông, Dao, and Tày. The village elders or chiefs and family heads have a significant role in managing most affairs in the hamlets. The Phù Lá still preserves their traditional culture with the important annual rituals, such as the Lunar New Year (Tết Nguyên Đán), Holly Forest Worship Ceremony (Cúng thần rừng), the July Festival (Tết tháng bảy), the new rice festival at the beginning of October (tết cơm mới đầu tháng 10), Naming ceremony for baby (đặt tên con), funerals (tang ma), etc. Forms of folk music in the lives of Phù Lá people has not been much collected so far. The musical piece “A happy tune” is a solo for a string instrument meant to entertain Phù lá people. This is one of the few Phù lá recordings. It was recorded by the Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.
Viet Nam 1905 -
Solo of the kèn
According to statistics data in 2009, the Cao Lan people (known as Sán Chay) in Vietnam had a population of 169,410 people, residing mostly in Tuyên Quang province. The Cao Lan ethnic minority has a treasure of poetry, folk music, and dance such as sình ca (unique folk singing), múa trống (drum dancing), múa xúc tép (small shrimp catching dancing), múa chim gâu (cuckoo bird dancing), etc. The musical instruments of Cao Lan people are various, including thanh la (small knobless gong), não bạt (small cymbals), drums, bells, and wind instruments. Kèn is a wind instrument performed in festivals and ritual forms. Kèn consists of four parts: the body, the bell, reed stake, and the reed. The body is a cylindrical hollow tube made of hard wood about thirty centimeters in length. On the body, there are seven pressing holes on the front and one hole on back near the stake. The instrument bell is made of a frustum-shaped thin wooden piece. The smaller of the bell is attached to the big end of the tube. The stake is attached to the small end of the tube. The reed is made of a reed pipe or worn nest attached to the stake. Its sound is strong, a little discordant at high pitches and a little cracked at the low end. The register of the instrument is two octaves. Kèn is played by men only. This track is a medley of extractions that are often played in the rituals, such as hành quân (army operation), kèn Khắp, and đưa Phật (Buddha greeting).
Viet Nam 1959
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Jaatraas of Nepal
CD2_JAATRAAS OF NEPAL\n\nA jaatraa is usually an annual festival associated with a particular god or goddess. A ritual is performed in a temple dedicated to the deity. People of all ages, ethnicities, and religions come together to celebrate a local jaatraa. It is believed that a god may join in the festival by possessing one of the participants. The possessed person is usually taller than others and often wears a turban. Other participants may also entera trance state, and they are also believed to be possessed by a god. This is considered a sign that the god is happy with the jaatraa. A jaatraa typically includes a procession in which the image of the god or goddess is mounted on a chariot accompanied by musicians and other worshippers.
Nepal 2016 -
Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture
CD1_BHAJANS OF NEPALI FOLK CULTURE\n\nA bhajan is a spiritual chant in traditional Nepalese culture that is performed mainly in temples. The lyrics typically recount the good deeds of various gods and goddesses. It is believed that the performance of a bhajan brings about peace and prosperity and an improved quality of life for all living beings. Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture This CD includes examples from four distinct categories of bhajan, namely Devi Bhajan, Dafa Bhajan, Khainjadi Bhajan, and Usha Charitra Bhajan.
Nepal 2016
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Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley
Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.
Uzbekistan 2015 -
Precious Grops from Nepals Fountain of Folk Music
Precious Grops from Nepals Fountain of Folk Music \n(2016 MMN-ICHCAP Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials)\n\nMusic Museum of Nepal (MMN) is a non-governmental organization, founded in 1995 with the purpose of collecting, preserving and glorifying Nepali folk music and its related cultural heritage. There are more than 100 ethnic groups in Nepal, and each group has their own culture and traditions of marking every occasion and rite of passage from birth to death with music. MMN has recorded, documented and archived these ICH-related materials since many years ago.\n\nIn 2016, ICHCAP supported the MMN in digitizing around five hundred hours of analogue recordings through the Digitization Project of ICH-related Analogue Audiovisual Materials. Some of the materials representative of Nepali traditions were chosen and reproduced as Precious Drops from Nepal's Fountain of Folk Music, so they can be enjoyed by more people.\n\nThe Nepali collection consists of eight CDs and two DVDs. The CDs have forty-six tracks of folk music played in religious events and festivals, and the DVDs feature ten videos on folk dances and musical performances of occupational caste musicians. Each CD contains photos and descriptions of folk instruments to provide a better understanding.\n\nThis project is particularly important as it resulted in restoring analogue recordings at risk of permanent damage and digitizing them to enhance their academic value and public visibility. ICHCAP hopes that this collection will enable not just researchers in the relevant fields but also the general public to learn more about and become familiar with Nepali ICH.
Nepal 2016
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Lialiaci, Volume 3, 2022
Lialiaci is a publication of the iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Ministry of iTaukei Affairs. \nLialiaci means to ponder or reflect upon deeply. \nThat is the intent of these articles and perspectives on culture. \n\nThe publication has 3 articles:\n1. Bulu, The Spirit World by Anasa Tawake\n\nThis brief research will try to explain Bulu or the iTaukei concept of the spirit world.\nIt is important to define Bulu or the spirit world because it can be a foundation to which our beliefs are derived from. It is understood that our culture is ‘fixated on Bulu’ (Sekove Bigitibau). If this is so, then our culture, customs and ethos are focused towards the spirit world known as Bulu. Prior to Christianity, who’s to say that the beliefs of our ancestors were inaccurate? It is a common belief that Christianity was the best thing to happen to our vanua. On the contrary, Christianity brought about the demonization of iTaukei belief system. At the offset, the missionaries knew that there was an existing belief system unfortunately they chose to disregard this and not use it as a foundation for Christian faith.\n\n2.The Sunken island by Inoki Kaloumaira:\nA few islands in Fiji and the Pacific are said to have submerged in the last hundred to thousand years ago. The island of Vuniivilevu is believed to have submerged in the year AD1200 in the Motoriki waters, Lomaiviti (2005). It is one of the islands that is regarded to have been inhabited first before other settlers arrived. Early migrants were said to be tall, muscular and tough and this could be proven with the skeleton that was found in Naturuku, Motoriki in 2002. What was also remarkable about this skeleton was the excellent state of preservation of the skull. It was of a female who would’ve been tall, muscular and tough and was believed to have lived in Motoriki around 800BC (2007). \n\n3. Ancient Sounds in Fiji by Ulaiasi Taoi:\nAncient sounds in Fiji is still echoed in traditional chant, traditional dances, polyphony, and sacred psalms. It is found to be unique from western sounds and sounds in many parts of the world. Most current Fijian music has adopted western sounds, this includes church hymns, folk songs, serenades, and also Tongan sounds which is practiced in serevakalau known as Polotu and also pesi (Lauan folksongs). Aporosa a traditional cartographer form Beqa stated that there was no Fijian alphabet, but instead was the practice of oral transmission through traditional dances. Lyrics, cartographer and sound were transmitted through vision (Bulivou, 1985). Once ancient sounds were not composed, it was inherently transmitted through the vanua as a gift, and intrinsically maintained its mana in the vanua livelihood. \n\n\n\n \n
Fiji 2022 -
2017 Sub-Regional Meeting for ICH Safeguarding in the Pacific
The 2017 Sub-Regional Meeting for ICH Safeguarding in the Pacific dubbed as “Youth as Safeguarding Actors for Pacific ICH” was held on 25 to 27 April 2017 in Koror, Palau. It was jointly organized by ICHCAP and the Bureau of Cultural and Historical Preservation (BCHP) under the Ministry of Community and Cultural Affairs of Palau.\n\nThis report is composed of country reports, case studies, and thematic presentations delivered at the meeting by four national representatives of Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Palau, and Tonga, and international experts from organizations related to ICH and Youth in the Pacific. In addition, the outcome document of the sub-regional meeting is also affixed to put it on record the adopted recommendations of the participants in moving forward together.
South Korea 2017
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The Pastellessa between Music and Traditional FoodThe term pastellessa represents an extraordinary combination of food, culture, music, and folklore, an expression of the people of Macerata Campania. It’s a term with a very rich history and tradition, relating to the celebration of a religious event: the Feast of Sant’Antuono (St. Anthony the Abbot).Year2019NationSouth Korea
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ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering communities through youth education on nature and cultural practicesThe South-Western Alps, across Italy and France are an area of long-lasting and significantly dense presence of diverse intangible cultural heritage expressions, resulting from the peculiar forms of relation and adaptation between the communities and the mountain ecosystems. But now, this area faced a number of challenges, Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza introduced the projects for building up resilience on the South-Western Alps territory.Year2020NationSouth Korea