Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.

Iran 2012

This article will attempt to explain the ancient spirituality of the indigenous people of Fiji. Indigenous spirituality is important because it describes in totality the significance of the vanua, its worldview and vanua ethos. One must decolonize one’s thinking one is to understand the nature of itaukei spirituality and its ideology. Few research have unpackaged the significance of the vanua, nevertheless in its simplest form; the vanua comprises of seen and unseen elements. Nowadays, some itaukei have abandoned their traditional roles and its customs, some have prohibited the consumption of kava. But on the other hand, they are content with traditional itaukei artifacts and crafts. Others have indicated the irrelevance of culture yet when asked of their identity, without hesitation they state their place of origin. As there are traditional beliefs surrounding yaqona consumptions and traditional ceremonies, there are also traditional beliefs associated to traditional crafts and the ancestral guardians of the vanua. An example of a traditional craft with spiritual powers is the masi, also known as the isulu ni vanua (attire of the vanua), it links the physical and the spiritual world. It is worn by newlyweds to protect them from outside influence before the marriage is consummated, it is hung at homes as protection. (Hulkenburg J, 2009:67, 68). In the past, chiefs were regarded as representatives of gods on earth, they were considered sacred because of the sau and mana they possessed. The vanua is protected and respected because of the powers (sau and mana) the chiefs possessed. Yet, it was unreasonable for the people to continue to revere their chiefs when they cease to believe in their ancestor-gods (Thomason B, 1908:111). In Fiji, both Fijian history and Fijian traditional religion are hard to trace and attended with considerable difficulties. (Tivi. D. 2018:39)

Forms of cultural expression, complex beliefs associated with the worship of Mother Goddesses of the Four Palaces. The main components include: Shaman, Thanh Dong, Palace of Literature, Thu incense, Hau Dung. In the past, offerings often included sticky rice, meat, fruits, betel nut, areca, wine, tobacco, and votive paper. Costumes are associated with the behavior of each character. The first is the worshiping ceremony to the Holy Buddha, the most important is the Hau Dong ritual, and the last is the thanksgiving ceremony. One question includes: Asking the Holy Spirit to enter (death), pronounce, bestow and send off. There are 36 copper prices, but mainly the Lords, Quan, Hoang, Adorable, Co, and Uncle will have bronze prices. The dances and props are rich, associated with the characteristics of the region and the characters. Cung Van plays the lute and drums. The songs are rich, changing according to the happenings and order of the saints of the bronze bar. There are different forms of literary singing, including worship singing, thi singing, ho singing, and Van singing at the temple and communal houses.

A tongue-twister as a kind of Uzbek oral folklore represents a phrase or a sentence that consists from rhymed words difficult to articulate. It can be a fascinating folk game - to quickly, cleanly and correctly pronounce the most complex combinations of sounds or long words.