Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story.\n\nThere are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet).\n\nOne source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang.\n\n\nAt night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story.\n\nThere are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet).\n\nOne source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang.\n\n\nAt night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

Two banyan trees in the northern square are talking about memories from their lifetimes. Kiai Dewatadaru is placed to the west of the philosophical axis, on the same side as the Grand Mosque, which functions as a religious center. Meanwhile, Kiai Wijayadaru is placed to the east of the philosophical axis, on the same side as locations such as the Grand Market (Beringharjo Market), which functions as an economic center.

“The Swan Rings: A Story of Eternal Love” is a captivating journey into Mongolia’s rich oral heritage, retelling the 500-year-old love story of Donoi the Rich and Tsagaankhuvi—a tale passed down through generations and revived today through storytelling, singing, and sand art.\n\nSet in the breathtaking landscapes of present-day Aldarkhaan soum in Zavkhan province, this story of devotion and harmony pays tribute to two legendary figures who helped sustain their community through horse herding and deep compassion. Honored and remembered as Ongods—ancestral spirits—Donoi and Tsagaankhuvi's story is a cherished legacy that continues to inspire.\n\nThis video reintroduces Mongolia’s storytelling traditions, blending folktale narration with epic singing and visual storytelling through sand drawing. At its heart are three handcrafted portraits depicting the main characters in their original attire, and a symbolic pair of silver swan rings—representing eternal love and unity.\n\nTo bring this tale to life, the creators conducted extensive research—consulting Ongods, visiting sacred sites, and collaborating with master storytellers such as N. Lantuu, B. Bayarmagnai, and G. Buuveibaatar. The team also drew inspiration from the natural beauty of Ganga Lake’s swan gatherings and the horse festivals of Agtana Khureet.\n\nNarrated by Merited Artist S. Otgon and sung by tradition bearer S. Dansran, this multimedia work features sand art by B. Sodnomdarjaa, original music by B. Erdenebat, and performances by S. Dansran and E. Enkhjin. The project was conceptualized by Agula Ulaach, revised by Agaruu UdGun, technically edited by B. Bilguun, and beautifully translated by B. Mandakhnar.\n\n“The Swan Rings” is the first in a trilogy exploring the theme “How Swans Became the Symbol of Love,” an artistic tribute to Mongolia’s timeless traditions of storytelling, love, and the spirit of community.

This audio is a story of two poor, young girls and a demon by the name of Yathyath that transformed into a rock. This history was told by Fithingmew, Mu’ut, and Bapilung from the Old Age Program in Yap back in the 1970s. There was a family, a couple and their two young daughters, who lived in Alog village, in the middle of the island far from the shoreline. The family was so poor that they always lacked food. When the girls grew old enough to walk far distances, their parents sometimes sent them to gather seashells on the west shore of the island. But their father taught them not to pass through the peninsula by Arngel village, so the girls had to walk a far distance from their home to the shore to collect shells and clams for the family. They never went near the peninsula. However, one evening, when they collected shells and clams across from Kanif shoreline, their torch went out. They looked ahead of them and saw a soft, shimmering light by the peninsula. They thought it was someone’s torch, so they started walking toward the light in the hope of asking for fire to light up their own torch. Soon after, they noticed that it was not fire, but phosphorescent light on a demon’s body. They were so scared that they turned around and ran as fast as they could. Yathyath, the demon, kept chasing them. The younger sister was so scared. She cried out in fear, and the older sister told her to dump some of the shells and clams from their basket to distract the demon. The demon slowed down and started eating the shells and clams, but it soon chased them again. The younger sister cried out again for help. As they got closer to their village, their father heard his little girl crying out and knew that the demon was after them. He quickly filled up the fireplace in the house with big pieces of flint stones and clamshells to heat them up. The girls made it home and were quickly let in by their father. The demon also ran into their house, where the stones and clamshells in the fire were extremely hot. The father fooled the demon, telling it to stand by the door and open its mouth wide so he could throw the two girls in its mouth. The demon did so, wishing for a big meal. Instead, the father slightly opened the fireplace and dumped the hot stones and clamshells into the demon’s mouth. The demon turned away in pain and headed back away from the village. Along its way on wulk’uf savannah, the demon threw up all the flint stones it had swallowed earlier. It fell to the ground and died on wulk’uf savannah, between Alog and Maa’ villages in Weloy municipality. Then the demon transformed into a big, black rock. The black rock and the pieces of flint stones still stand near the wulk’uf savannah.

This selection tells how native Yapese learned to use betel nuts (areca nuts) and how they learned tying patterns and techniques. It also talks about the roles and responsibilities of newly married Yapese couples and their families.\n

CD9_MUSIC OF TRADITIONAL THEATRE IN VIETNAM\n\nThe traditional theatre is an indispensable element in describing the appearance of traditional Vietnamese music. The forms of traditional Vietnamese theatre are mainly practiced by the Kinh ethnic group and some ethnic minorities such as Khơ me and Nùng. Two special forms of traditional theatre with long histories are Tuồng (classical drama) and Chèo (traditional operetta) of the Kinh group. These art forms gather many elements, including literature, painting, music, dance, and drama.Tuồng was born in northern Vietnam and performed in the court, and then followed mandarins to central and southern Vietnam with a new name Hát bội or Hát bộ. Tuồng was perfected and reached its peak in the Central Vietnam from the seventeenth century to the eighteenth century in the Nguyễn dynasty. Tuồng was performed not only in the court but also in common communities and was loved by common people. At the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century, Tuồng still played an important role in the spiritual life of Vietnamese people, especially to the people in central and southern Vietnam. Tuồng was one of a few traditional Vietnamese artistic types, loved by the court and common people.\n\nIn its flourishing period, the artists of Tuồng were categorized into two ranks, including Tuồng thầy artists (professinal artists who are knowlegeable and have exemplary performance style) and Tuồng rong artists (semiprofessional artists who lack of knowledge and have seasonal performances, mainly giving impromptu performances in tuồng cường. The system of Tuồng is clearly categorized according to the content such as Tuồng pho (Tuồng with many acts and performed on many nights), Tuồng đồ (Tuồng with content closer to daily life and based on folk stories), and Tuồng tân thời (Tuồng with the stories from new novels). Special Tuồng plays called Tuồng ngự were selected by the Minstry of Rites to be performed for for the king’s enjoyment.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 20 is 'TRADITIONAL TUG-OF-WAR GAME.'

East Asian region is developed a rich of variety in the intangible heritage manifests, from oral traditions, performing arts, customs, and rituals to festivals, clothing, crafts, and food throughout the centuries. However, as with other counties in the Asia-Pacific region, which is a treasure house of ICH, traditional cultural heritage of East Asia was in a crisis of extinction due to shifts in industrial structures and the population outflow of younger generations to urban areas. In response, the Republic of Korea and Japan introduced the concept of intangible cultural heritage in policies related to safeguarding cultural heritage more than fifty years ago. Mongolia, with the support of its respective government, followed suit by establishing an institutional foundation for national ICH inventory making and ICH safeguarding after ratifying the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003). Moreover, in relation to ICH safeguarding activities, UNESCO Category 2 Centres, which support ICH safeguarding activities, have been simulataneously going through the establishment process in the Republic of Korea, China, and Japan. As a well-intentioned objective for the future activities, the three centres are making efforts to build a cooperative mechanism among themselves. Another effort made in the region is the establishment of the ICH safeguarding system in Mongolia. The government of Mongolia has drawn up a national ICH inventory and identified bearers as well. The countries in East Asia have been very active in safeguarding, and their participation at regional and international levels. Therefore, countries in the region need to build trust and collaborative relationships while safeguarding ICH at national, regional, and international levels.\n\n- Ratified the ICH Convention in 2005; conducted survey in 2009 and updated in 2016.\n- As of March 2018, has 7 ICH elements on the RL, 7 elements on the USL, and 1 accredited NGO.