Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

Ink or Ink making is also an art related to the art of Calligraphy and writing. Like the calligraphy pen, ink is one of the fundamental needs while undertaking any kind of writing, printing, paintings including the engraving works as it need to be either sketch or write the primary writings before actual engraving is initiated. Therefore, it is an art that a calligrapher or a xylograph printer must know how to make ink by themselves. Nag-tsha or more often Nag-tse is a general term for any types of Ink used for the aforementioned activities but also referred particularly to the normal ink i.e. the black ink. As majority of the writings are written using the black ink thus, the usage of the term dominated the verities of inks be it gold, silver, copper, turquoise or vermillion. However, if somebody make quires like, “What types of ink?” the response will be referred to a definite ink like “gold, silver, copper, turquoise, vermillion, blood and normal ink.” However, due to the massive usage of normal black ink whether it is made from sooth or other black colour ingredients for writing and printing; not only the woodblock prints but also prayer flags therefore, the term Nag-tse (black ink) have been used as a general term for an ink. As mentioned above, Ink and pen making technology evolved simultaneously with the invention of writing culture. As Bhutan highly regards Guru Padmasambhava and Denmang Tsemang (?) one of his principal disciples who transcribed the teachings and gave the scripture for the practice of King Sindhu Raja and later said to be hidden as treasure in early 9th century. Later in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) resumed the writing tradition along with pen and ink making to decipher the treasure document mentioned as Shog-ser and also for woodblock printing purpose. The tradition met its thriving period in the 17th during Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal’s (1594-1651) reign after he instituted the State Government by established the Monastic Body and introduced the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) where monks learnt the art of calligraphy and ink making as well. Ink making was not only or writing but also required for making xylograph prints from the woodblocks stored in the respective Monastic Institutions esp. in the Dzongs (Fortress). Thereafter, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs which is still surviving at a very small space due to the availability of modern inks from the market.

Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in Buddhist communities, the tradition descends from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide’. Varsavasa is the Sanskrit term for Yarney, and like the Chokey term it is rather literal: varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence.’ The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney. The origin of Yarney practice can be traced back to the historical Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and depended solely on alms for their sustenance. However, the summer’s monsoon rains presented a number of obstacles to Lord Buddha and his Sangha Buddhist community to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours. Not only is it unhealthy and uncomfortable to be unhoused in the rains, but the nurturing rains bring forth insects and worms who inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. At that time the Tirthikas non-Buddhist critiques of Buddha Gautama would criticize the practice of alms round, reasoning that walking for alms especially during the summer killed several animals and insects. So to keep from crushing insects or young crops in their tender state; and avoid the health hazards of the monsoon rains, flooding, and displaced wildlife, the Buddha established the rainy seasons as a time for retreat. This is codified in the Vinaya rules for the monastic community. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places, most often monasteries, each summer or venture to a specific rainy season retreat. For the monasteries, the place Sangha members observe Yarney must be conducive to spiritual and mental development. One of the main objects of observing Yarney is to set aside time to practice meditation outside the schedule of preaching the Dharma to lay devotees or going on alms rounds. The period for the retreat lasts three months by the lunar calendar, usually starting in June or July and would continue until September or October. This established a formal practice of observing Yarney – Buddhist monastics using the summer or the rainy season as an opportunity to take retreat. The Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for the Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give local Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings through questions and discussions. As the tradition progressed, it became renowned as a productive period in which the sutras were said to have been written down. Thus, during Yarney monastics engage their vows; listen and contemplate lob pa thoe sam; and meditate on teachings pong wa sam tan they received from their Khenpo or abbot. During Buddha’s time, many monks and practitioners were said to have achieved the accomplished state of Arhat, non-returner, and once-returner through this deep study.

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017