Hat boi Folk Opera in Binh Dinh Province, listed in the National ICH List in 2014 \nThe Art of Tuong in Quang Nam, listed in the National ICH List in 2015 \nTuong is a traditional classical play based on Vietnamese folk songs, dances, and music, and is also called hat bo, or hat boi. The central themes of Tuong include individual sacrifice for a greater cause, imparting lessons about human behavior, and featuring heroic characters. These themes are portrayed aesthetically throughout the performances. It was performed as entertainment for the king and his \nmen at royal banquets or court ceremonies. Today, state-run theater groups perform in established theaters, and folk theater groups perform for village communities during festivals. In Tuong, the face of each character is painted carefully before the performance. The colors used are mainly white, red, blue or green, and black. The colors and patterns used on the faces have symbolic meanings and representations: a white face symbolizes gentleness and quietness; red stands for wisdom, courage, and staunchness; a striped face signifies an ugly person with a hot temper. Decorating the corners of the nose with a cloud-shaped line is necessary for the role of a king.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Tạ Ôn Đình\nTướng motif\nTướng motif is the character type that inherit some traits on manners, actions, and choreography of kép that is brawny in type: Assertive, swift, powerful singing-dialogues delivery.\nHowever, the significant detail to pay attention to is their makeup being made as mask-like, which they are diverse with various stylised expressions. Depends on their role in the play,\nwe have protagonist tướng (the tướng that belongs in the good side and loyal) such as Trịnh Ân, Hoàng Phi Hổ, etc; and villain tướng (the tướng that are evil and vindictive), Ô Lợi Hắc.\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above,\nwith social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don't hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương,) Tiết Quỳ, etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Phàn Phụng Cơ\nĐào văn\nIntellectual đào: Has the general traits of đào motif, elegant and graceful manners; innocent singing and dialogues. In which there is “royal đào" being the type of character that participates in official royal affairs. Example: Tạ Nguyệt Kiều. And then “simple đào/hairpin đào” is a peasant character type, or the character that has a prestige origin but fallen into peasantry; she wouldn't have any fancy headwear but only a simple hair pin. Example: Điều Huê Nữ.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Vương Doãn\n“Lão” is a term to describe male characters (kép) that are elderly. With their brows and hair are white and gray; unhurried in movements; and a raspy singing-dialogue delivery. Additionally, there are also different techniques to portray their raspy voice delivery that can be categorised as follow:\nINTELLECTUAL LÃO\nInclude full characteristics of lão motif: white face, gray beard with three/five long smooth branches; educated and sophisticated.\nExample: Vương Doãn (the play “Phụng Nghi pavillon”); Kiều Quốc cựu (the play “The Beauty from Giang Đông region”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of mụ female character Đồng Mẫu\nMỤ MOTIF\n“Mụ” is the type of female character (đào) that is elderly, their makeup tends to be light, with white eyebrows, silver hair, slow in movement; raspy singing-dialogues delivery. The majority of mụ motif are intellectual type, with a gentle and considerate manner. Example: Đổng mẫu (the play “San Hậu”); Dương linh bà (the play “Mộc Quế Anh offers the wood”) despite her origin as a fiery general but often expressed as a prestige and sophisticated woman.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Đổng Trác\nĐổng Trác is a villain, portraited in nịnh motif. \n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Lữ Bố\n“Kép” is a term to describe male characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle aged male, with a light makeup face (using beard to distinguish). This is a simple makeup style, reserved for characters that are handsome, or ordinary; they tend to be the psychological character that doesn’t need dramatic makeup to express their personality. Following the kép motif is the type of singing technique- with graceful and sophisticated dialogues. The common characters from kép motif (or can be called “kép in white”) are Tiết Đinh San, Tiết Ứng Luông (the play “The Goddess that offers Ngũ Linh flag”) Bá Ấp Khảo (the play “Bá Ấp Khảo”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Chung Vô Diệm\nĐÀO motif\n“Đào" is a term to describe female characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle-aged females, where their makeup tends to be light and their presences are elegant, with innocent singing-dialogue delivery. In đào motif, only the character Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, and Ngọc Kỳ Lân have their makeup as mask-like, the rest of them all have light makeup face. \nĐào võ\nBrawny đào: Possess full traits of đào motif, however she is assertive and stern; powerful singing-dialogue delivery. Example: Thần Nữ; Đoàn Hồng Ngọc; etc. Additionally, the mentioned characters that have mask-like makeup (Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, Ngọc Kỳ Lân) are a part of brawny đào motif. They are portrayed in a dramatic style to reflect their strong personality and extraordinary talent.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Phàn Diệm\nKÉP WITH ANGRY EYES\nIs a kép motif that has more than just the general traits, but also a more extravagant styling in costuming. They have a red face makeup base; with a white eyes and dramatic eyebrows that are high up to the temple. This dramatic appearance only reflects their extraordinary characters for a teenage boy. Namely characters like Phàn Diệm (the play “San Hậu”); or the character Trịnh n (the play “Sentencing Trịnh n”) that is also a part of kép with angry eyes, but he would have a face makeup colour base in ashy gray or black. This genre of kép with angry eyes, or can be called as “young kép” is often paired with an older character (could be their father- like the characters Phàn Định Công, Trịnh n), their extraordinary appearance foreshadowing the talents that would emerge once they are matured.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Đổng Kim Lân\nKÉP IN RED\nIs a character motif that is based on the characteristics of kép motif (kép in white), however, the base makeup colour of the character tends to be in bright red or reddish pink. This is the character type that is loyal and determined in hát bội aesthetic. Example: Quan Vũ (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”); Đổng Kim Lân (the play “San Hậu”); Cao Hoài Đức (the play “Sentencing Trịnh Ân”), etc.\n\nMiniature statue of yêu đạo turtle master character Dư Hồng\nYêu đạo motif\nSimilar like tướng motif, yêu đạo motif has a distinctive dramatic element of hát bội. However, yêu đạo tends to be portrayed as villain characters, in which they possess opposite traits from the protagonist, power abuser, with a sense of justice according to feudal law. Moreover, these characters tend to start off with non-human origins, they’ve honed their magical ability to become human so it made their manners appear animalistic. The character makeups are also suggestive of the manners and symbolism of their background. Examples such as Dư Hồng is originally a red bird that trained itself into human form so the eye makeup mimics a bird motif, with a red face makeup base. The design of yêu đạo/ turtle master tends to use weirdly big eyes to express an eerie manner, big tummy to indicate magic (or it could be called bụng phép), with costume similar to the Taoist monks.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Phàn Định Công\nBRAWNY LÃO\nIn appearance, they also shared similarities like the lão motif. If there’s a difference, then it’d be their face makeup base coloured in red. The difference between intellectual lão and brawny lão- their performance manners. Brawny lão would have more decisive and assertive movements, and a more powerful singing-dialogue delivery.\nSAGGY LÃO\nSimilar to kép with angry eyes motif in kép motif, saggy lão motif is a lão motif that exceeds the usual characteristics and is portrayed in a dramatic styling. With a red face, a white under eye that extends to the cheeks, white beard; hot-headed and decisive. Example: Phàn Định Công (the play “San Hậu”); Trình Giảo Kim (the play “Phàn Lê Huê conquer the Hồng Thủy battle”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Khương Linh Tá\nKÉP IN GREEN / FOREST KÉP / MOUNTAIN KÉP\nTheir face makeup tends to be in faded gray or green; with high eyes and brows (depends on the traditional character design of the region and the troup). This character type tends to have a peasantry manner, down-to-earth, with the colour palette of faded gray and green to indicate a humbling origin as a farming man. Example: Khương Linh Tá (the play “San Hậu”); Châu Sáng (the play “Losing Nam Dương fortress”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of nịnh male character Tạ Lôi Nhược\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above, with social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don’t hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”) Tiết Quỳ (The play “Tiết Giao steals the pearl”), etc.\nTạ Lôi Nhược is a minor tướng character, in combination of feeble nịnh character.

At the end of the year, the color of the festival takes place on the hillside. Zoom crops are grown around the house to indigenous peoples' and they take part in many ritualistic conduct. From the depths of the mountains, there is a tune of joy. Chakma, Marma, Tripura remember God as their yearbook festival. nThe festive begin the day before the Chaitra songkranti, goes on to1st Baisakh. Chakma girls go out to collect flowers at night for Ful Biju. Silently steal flowers for puja offerings.\nThe next morning, get started flower immersion and worship of the god Ista. At dawn, at Khomong Koria, everyone comes to the group in the morning to worship.For the contentment of the god, they float the flowers that collected last night.\nOn the day of Vaisu Sankri, the Tripuras worship God Shiva.They believe He come down to earth on this day. In his contentment, goodness and wrath came down, in His anger, shortages and pestilences. The bamboo scissors are cut and made to symbolize the god Goria,hang yarn, pant, zoom crop, cotton wrap. The culture of Tripura is evolving on the life of the zoom crop. Therefore, the life of the hill region can be seen in Garia dance.\nThe Sangrai goddess brings good luck and welfare to the people from heaven to the earth. The Sangrai festival started at the moment of her come down. The main attraction of Sangrai is Jolkheli. Marma's belief that the water thrown in the Jolkheli washed away the past year's misery, sin. The New Year is accepted in a holy way. If a young woman likes each other, then the couple express their love throwing water on each other. Through this, their social bond is strengthened.\nBuddha bath is done in water mixed with coconut water and sandalwood. Then starts puja. The yearbook festival of the inhabitants ends with a wish for the good and peace of the world.

Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

The lullaby is sung by a Bandari woman in Karnataka to a female child affectionately addressed as Sundar Taruni, meaning “beautiful girl.” She sings, “Beautiful young girl. Jo jo. Go to sleep.”

Sli tune of Nùng lòi people is the love-exchange song in which a young man and a woman alternate singing. The lyrics often borrow the beauty of nature, the sense of working and daily life to express the love and desire for a happy life.

Serenicumu literally means “bumping songs,” a genre of popular music that is widespread throughout Fiji today and is performed in villages as well as at local resorts and hotels. These songs are covers of or are influenced by styles from Europe and America as well as from other Pacific islands or the Caribbean (particularly reggae). They are often performed at informal yaqona drinking sessions and are also associated with informal dance types broadly termed tauratale or danisi (taken from the English word ”dance”).\n\nThe exact origin of the genre is obscure. Serenicumu is said to be associated with the first legally allowed sales of beer to Indigenous Fijians in the 1920s in Suva, and it is suggested that this genre originated from parties where men bumped their drinking glasses together. Another source further adds that this music was originally called sere ni cumu saqa (saqa meaning “barrel” or “tankard”) and that it referred to the practice of Fijian men sitting in a circle at a table and resting their heads against their tankards of beer. Many serenicumu songs still performed today date from World War II―an intense period of creativity for this genre―when soldiers from the US, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Australia interacted extensively with Fijians.\n\nCurrently, musicians distinguish two main styles of serenicumu: trio and sere bass (also called sere makawa or “old songs,” even though they may be fifteen or more years old). Sere bass performance features a large group of bass vocalists (bass/besi) in addition to three solo voice parts: tatabani/tatabana, domo tolu/vakababa, and laga/lagalaga in descending order in terms of their vocal range. Only the three solo parts are heard in trio. The types and roles of the instruments, their tuning, and their playing techniques have also changed over time. The technique of vadivadi (plucking), which characterized sere bass guitar performance in the past, has been replaced by various “scrumming” (strumming) for the rhythm guitar and a range of left- and right-handed techniques for the lead guitarist. The only chords used in sere bass were dua(tonic), rua (subdominant), and tolu (dominant), whereas trio also featured warning (seventh), minus (minor), and flat (supertonic) chords.\n\nAnyone can participate in sere bass performance, which makes it ideal for use at large social gatherings. Trio performers are expected to perform to a high standard and are usually heard at small social functions such as yaqona drinking sessions.\nThe tempo tends to be slower and the overall pitch lower in sere bass when compared to trio. Sere bass, being closer stylistically to meke, tends to be preferred by older people (those in their mid-40s and above) and provides them with a means to connect with and celebrate their cultural roots. Trio, which tends to be popular with those in their 20s and 30s, exhibits a greater degree of Westernization than sere bass, but it is still regarded as being part of the serenicumu oral tradition that has been passed down through the generations and that continues to change as new songs are continually added to the repertoire and old ones fall into disuse.

CD1_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL 1: LULLABIES\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called\n\nTefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. The Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now.\n\nAn Album of Lullabies and Cradle Songs - Lullabies exist in every culture, as singing or making sounds to help children fall asleep is a universal phenomenon. In India, lullabies are also part of the life cycle ceremonies associated with the birth of a child. Thus, they tend to have an added ritualistic purpose. The themes sometimes include aspects of devotional music and might invoke the blessings of gods or refer to the childhoods of deities. Rituals that celebrate the births of gods such as Krishna often make use of songs composed in lullaby form and that may be sung to babies. The concept of an album of lullabies and cradle songs recorded in a part of India in the late 1930s may seem narrow. However, the recurrence of lullabies in Bake’s recordings raises some interesting questions. Did Bake consider them life-cycle songs? Were they everyday songs that people considered traditional? Many – if not all – the lullabies have meaningless syllables, which are perhaps intended to soothe the child. For example, the syllables jo jo seem to occur in Kannada and Marathi lullabies, and perhaps in other Indian languages.

In 2015, ICHCAP with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO and the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan released the CD collection Melodies from Uzbekistan as part of its cooperation project to restore and digitize analogue resources on ICH.\n\nThis selection of audio resources are aged audio recordings stored at the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences that have been restored and converted into a format suitable for storage and playback in media used today. The audio tracks in the collection consist of folk music recorded from field research conducted in Uzbekistan and border regions from the 1950s to the 1980s as well as studio recordings made from the 1930s to the 1970s. The eight CDs contain Uzbek songs related to work, animal rearing, rituals, and other important parts of day-to-day life in the region; instrumental music featuring various traditional Uzbek musical instruments, such as the dutor and g'ajir nay; and important Islamic oral traditions, such as maqoms and dostons.\n\nAlthough the traditional music of Central Asia may be unfamiliar to listeners from other parts of the world, the CDs come with information booklets in Uzbek, English, and Korean to provide an engaging experience for people from outside the region.\nThe selection represents the diverse and rich musical traditions of Uzbekistan and will be invaluable resources in the field of ICH education and promotion.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 5 is 'ICH AND SACRED RITUALS'.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 2 is 'ICH AND LABOR'.