In all submitting states, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving includes series of practices traditional knowledge, skills and crafts of the communities concerned related to growing mulberry trees, breeding silkworms, producing silk threads, for weaving and other purposes. Farmers grow mulberry trees that provide leaves upon which the worms feed, then produce silkworm eggs and ensure care of the silkworm (feeding with mulberry leaves) from the egg stage until the completion of the cocoon (turning matured silkworms to cocoons). Communities then produce silk by reeling from the silk threads, weave silk fabrics and use the fabrics in crafts. Craftspeople of both genders produce raw silk by means of raising larvae, particularly those of the domesticated silkworm to form the cocoon within which the larvae develop. The silkworm builds its cocoon by surrounding itself with a long fibre or filament. Fed by fresh mulberry leaves, silkworms start to spin their silken cocoons after 26-28 days. The whole process begins in March to September depending on the climate. The cocoons are collected before pupa pierces its cocoon and then those collected cocoons are dried. Silk containing sericin is called “raw silk”. The gummy substance is usually retained until the yarn or fabric stage and is removed by boiling the silk in soap and water. Communities then bathe cocoons which then soften and allow for the peak of the thread to be obtained. In order to obtain raw silk, several cocoons that gave the threads are put on reeling process at the same time. In order to clean up and to dry, obtained raw silk is taken from reel and hanged on the reed. In the preparation for the weaving process, people twist threads and unwind warps. After drawing-in and wimple is made ready, the weaving process begins. In order to remove cerasine fabrics, woven with raw silk yarn, people boil the fabrics in water containing soap. After boiling process, communities color and trace the fabrics by using various traditional methods. Craftspeople use the silk threads to create various types of craft products, such as fabrics, carpets. The products of silk are very much appreciated within the communities, who use them at various social and cultural occasions, including weddings, funerals and family gatherings. Deeply rooted in the traditions of the Great Silk Road, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving are an expression of cultural identity, centuries-old traditions and a symbol of social cohesion. While the silk trade has been carried out throughout the centuries, it has allowed spreading the silk culture, health and science among communities of the submitting states. In all submitting states silk functions as the symbol of splendor, elegance and spring. In all submitting states, silk producers are mostly villagers and they work cooperatively and they have special ceremonies for silk when it is produced.

Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,Iran,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

The Lảnh Giang Temple Festival relic site is located in Yen Lac village, Moc Nam commune, Duy Tien town, a relic complex with long-standing historical - cultural - architectural and artistic values. The temple worships three generals of the 18th Hung Due Vuong era who had great merit in defeating the Thuc invaders, keeping the country's borders peaceful, and worships Chu Dong Tu - Princess Tien Dung. Currently, Lảnh Giang Temple preserves many valuable Chinese documents and worship objects. The Lảnh Giang Temple Festival takes place twice a year in June (from the 18th to the 25th) and August (20th) of the lunar calendar, to express gratitude to the gods who protect the people and pray for a prosperous and happy life. The Lảnh Giang Temple Festival was only restored in 1996 - the year the temple was recognized as a National Historical and Cultural Relic. Currently, the June festival is considered the main festival by the people, the August festival is only held by the people to offer incense and make offerings. The festival takes place with rituals: water procession, saint procession, sacrifice ceremony, announcement ceremony... On the 18th day of the 6th lunar month, the local people organize the palanquin stacking ceremony, raise the God's flag in front of the temple, on the 21st day they start the announcement ceremony. The days from the 22nd to the 24th of June are the main days of the sacrifice and the procession of the Saint's palanquin around the temple. In which, June 24 is the main day of the Third Great Official's banquet, the head of the Lảnh Giang temple organizes a performance to welcome the saint from early morning. This is the occasion for singing to be performed in a cultural space imbued with the sacred Mother Goddess worship beliefs of the Vietnamese people at Lảnh Giang temple. On the 25th of June, a thanksgiving ceremony is held and the flag is lowered, the temple is closed. On the 25th day of the 8th lunar month, Yen Tu Temple (Moc Bac Commune, Duy Tien Town) worships Princess Ngoc Hoa and carries her palanquin to pay homage. The festival in June also includes a rowing game on the Red River and a water procession. The water procession from the Red River to Lảnh Giang Temple follows the custom of worshipping the Water God. Water is taken from the middle of the Red River and brought back to be used as offerings and to bathe the statues of the temples in the relic site. The festival is extremely rich, such as: rowing, dragon dance, lion dance, cheo singing, chau van singing, wrestling, human chess, cockfighting, to tom diem, lion dance, cooking rice on a carrying pole, sports activities, chasing ducks underwater, stick fighting, walking on monkey bridges, tug of war... The festival represents the agricultural beliefs, the desire for protection by the natural gods and the desire to control the power of nature of the indigenous people. In 2017, Lảnh Giang Temple Festival was included in the list of National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

Ondol, literally "warm stones," refers to an underfloor heating system unique to Korea. It has its roots in a primitive form of heating based on a hearth and flues dating back to the Bronze Age and the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. Since early examples of ondol can be found across the Korean Peninsula at sites dating to between the third century BCE and the first century CE, it is estimated that the practice of making and using underfloor heating facilities has been transmitted on the Korean Peninsula for more than 2,000 years. Unlike Western-style indoor fireplaces, the ondol system does not directly emit exhaust through the chimney. The smoke from a firepit first flows through flues made underneath the floor of a room, keeping the room warm for long periods without producing indoor smoke. As the quintessential element of traditional Korean housing culture, the ondol system informs on how Koreans have traditionally heated their houses. It illustrates their knowledge and use of the natural environment and their everyday lives. Ondol is also an important element in house building, interior design, and furniture design. Ondol rooms have long been established as one of the most important elements in Korean popular culture. While the unheated wooden-floored spaces within a traditional Korean house is an architectural response to the summer heat, the ondol rooms are preparations for harsh winter weather. Ondol is a unique Korean housing technology clearly distinguished from the underfloor heating systems found in China and Manchuria. Despite great advancements in heating technology and recent radical changes in housing and lifestyles, underfloor heating continues to thrive the present. Ondol has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for its sociocultural value as an indispensable element of Korean housing culture and popular culture, and also for its evidential significance to the creativity and wisdom Korean people exerted in their efforts to adapt to the local climate. * As the ondol system is part of Korean housing customs long shared widely across the nation, no particular holders or holder groups have been recognized for this element.

The 'ie Samoa is a special finely hand-woven mat that is fastened at the hem with 2 rows of green and red feathers on each end, and a loose fringe on one end. Traditionally woven with fine strippings of the pandanus plant, the final product is silk-like in nature. Its shiny coppery color adds to its value as it is a testament to its age and the natural bleaching process it undergoes from the sun and seawater. The length of 'ie Samoa is traditionally 12x9 aga or handspans of the weaver. This demonstrates its high level of intricacy as each woven strand measures as little as one milimeter in width. Therefore, the production of a single 'ie Samoa can take up to several months and even years depending on the length of the fine mat. Nevertheless, the 'ie Samoa is more than a cultural product of exceptional skills, its true value is demonstrated in its use as an exchange valuable in traditional ceremonies and rituals that serve to reaffirm kinship ties and strengthen community wellbeing. More colloquially known as 'ie toga, the 'ie Samoa is displayed and exchanged at festive celebrations or important gatherings such as weddings, funerals, or religious ordinations. The giving and receiving of the 'ie Samoa contributes profoundly to the maintenance of social structure and is an integral part of the Samoan culture. As objects of the highest cultural value, this traditional art form lies at the foundation of Samoa's rich intangible cultural heritage.

Samoa 2019

The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Taekkyeon is a traditional Korean martial art that makes use of fluid, rhythmic dance-like movements to strike or trip up an opponent. The fluid and curvy movements, wriggling and writhing slowly, would evoke laughter. Some may even wonder whether it is a dance or a martial art. But the inherent energy of the performer can explode with enormous flexibility and strength. Apparently static and dignified but fundamentally dynamic and even fatal, taekkyeon is an indigenous Korean martial art with a history stretching back thousands of years. Taekkyeon is a rare martial art in that it teaches consideration for the opponent to the very moment one gains control. It teaches more skills for defense than offense. A skilled taekkyeon practitioner can rapidly dominate the opponent with a smooth wavy motion, but a true master knows how to make the opponent withdraw without incurring damage. These are unthinkable concepts in a combat sport. But taekkyeon makes all these possible. Taekkyeon is a marvelous sport teaching how to consider the opponent more than oneself, and the group instead of individuals. The motions are gentle and circular rather than straight and rigid, but they have the power to entice the performer slowly but intensively. The graceful movements of a well-trained taekkyeon performer resemble those of a crane, but the elastic offensive skills can be as speedy and powerful as those of a hawk. Taekkyeon has a few distinctive characteristics. First, it is an outwardly gentle but inwardly tough martial art featuring circular motions. Second, it is a natural and spontaneous martial art stressing elegance and dignity. Third, it is a practical and comprehensive martial art harmonizing offense and defense through various locking and kicking techniques. In spite of its gentle impression, taekkyeon is an effective martial art highlighting a broad variety of offensive and defensive skills employing all available fighting methods. The origin of all traditional Korean martial arts, taekkyeon represents confluence and totality, the two outstanding characteristics of Korean culture. Taekkyeon is believed to have been practiced since before the Three Kingdoms period (57 B.C. - A.D. 676). In Joseon (1392-1910), it was practiced among a broader public, including people at the grassroots. The basic spirit of taekkyeon is ‘truth’. The martial art inherits the thought of Joseon scholars who considered upholding integrity and obeying the rules of nature was the utmost virtue. Currently, the Korean Taekkyeon Association is playing a significant role in the transmission and promotion of this traditional martial art. 85 education centres spreading across the country are the main venue for taekkyeon practitioners. Ordinary Koreans have an easy access to the practice of taekkyeon thanks to those education centres.

South Korea 2011

Bhutan, embodied with rich and unique culture heritage has largely remained intact for centuries because of its unique way of preserving its culture and tradition over the generation and of course being isolated from the rest of the world. Rukubji, a geopolitically located snake head village under Sephu Gewog (block) in the premises of Wangduephodrang Dzongkhag (district) celebrates Lochu. Lochu is the native sacred festival were offering for the wellbeing of locality led by Phajo (local shaman) with 25 Pazab (soldiers or guard) particularly performed. Lochu is said to be sacred performance initiated in around mid of 10th and 11th century after Zhabdrung Tshenden Dhelwa subdued the demonic forces and made into local deity (Phola) of the place. The villagers do a grand offering to the local deity to bring peace and happiness. In the past a sheep is slaughtered and made offering to the local deity. In recent times, the bonisim culture was being stopped and alternative offerings like forelegs/hindleg and ……. of a cow are done to appease the protector. Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa was born in Tibet. It was around in mid of 10th and 11th century where Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa visited the place. The place was not blessed by any other Lamas and it is said that first lama to visit in the region was Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa where he subdued many demons and sanctified the place. Lochu was conducted consecutively every 3 years. It is believed that, failing to perform the offerings would bring bad luck, natural calamities such as flood (happened some 7-8 years ago) and the harvest of any crop (potato being the main cash crop of the locality) would be befallen. It is also believed to be said that the local deity, in order to bless the community with peace and happiness, an old man is always assigned to offer prayers to local deity (Phola) to bring peace and prosperity in the community. It so happened that one day the old man knew that due to his old age, worried that he wouldn’t be able to render his service in offering to Phola thereafter. Legends are being past that the local deity appeared before him and enlightened him with wisdoms. The old man, upon this wisdom advised his communities to conduct the Lochu on 5th or 6th day of every twelfth lunar month of the third year. Thereon, the festival is being celebrated in winters of every third year. Far and near community witnesses this festival and the locality celebrates grandeur day with feast and ceremony. It is said that in the olden days lochu is annually conducted on the 5th or 6th day of the twelfth lunar month. However, as time passes the communities could not conducted annually and made to conduct in every 3 years. Alternatively, if the locality couldn’t celebrate this occasion, the community comes together annually and recites Kangyuar (translated words of buddha) to bring good luck in community. As the time passes by, the community face problems like, finding Phajo (Shaman) since it is said that the way of offering is different. A man from every household was mandatory in the past for Pazab. As the time passes, 25 Pazab are required for the day which are mostly performed voluntarily. The community fears that the next celebration wouldn’t happen as there is no Phajo for the day. The previous one is unable to perform due to his illness.

Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.

Pakistan 2018

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Gasa, which is part of the country’s traditional vocal music, refers to a long narrative in verse. Based on relevant records, it is presumed that this form of verse started to be written after the reign of King Yeongjo (r. 1724-1776). A total of 12 pieces have been handed down and survive today. They are Baekgusa, Jukjisa, Hwanggyesa, Eobusa, Chunmyeongok, Sangsa Byeolgok, Gilgunak, Gwonjuga, Suyangsanga, Cheosaga, Yangyangga, and Maehwa Taryeong. It is not known who composed these songs or wrote their lyrics, but it is thought that the tradition of Gasa was established toward the end of the Korean Empire (1897 – 1910). The narratives of Gasa are very long and are not regularly styled, and so it is not clear how singers are supposed to arrange their diverse features and sounds. Melodies differ slightly from narrative to narrative. Modulations and repetitions appear characteristically. As for their rhythm, Baekgusa and Jukjisa have dodeuri rhythm (sextuple time). Sangsa Byeolgok, Cheosaga, and Yangyangga have quintuple time. Gwonjuga has no fixed rhythm. Basically, Gasa is sung without instrumental accompaniment, but sometimes it is sung to the accompaniment of piri (flute), haegeum (two-stringed fiddle), daegeum (bamboo flute) or janggo (hourglass-shaped drums). As a free-style song, Gasa is good at expressing people’s sentiment or natural beauty. It is a song sung by professionals, and is the country’s indigenous music featuring peacefulness and locality.

Bản Paper is a very important material product that is used regularly in the lives of the Red Yao people. This type of paper is made from natural materials, without using chemicals. Bản paper making techniques of the Red Yao in Viet Quang town is an elaborate process: choosing raw materials such as bamboo shoots (according to their own secret, choosing bamboo shoots from the end of January to the end of March of the lunar calendar), then soaking bamboo shoots, putting bamboo shoots in a soaking tank, soaking the tree to get the resin; putting raw materials in a coating tank, stirring the powder, coating the paper, pressing the paper, peeling the paper, drying the paper and finally collecting the paper, preserving... The technique of making paper represents humanistic values, containing many professional secrets that demonstrate the meticulousness, spirit, intelligence and experience of the Red Yao community and clan in Viet Quang town. Bản paper making techniques of the Red Yao in Viet Quang town (Bac Quang district, Ha Giang province) was included in the list of national intangible cultural heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2018.

Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2005) The annual Gangneung Danoje Festival takes place in the town of Gangneung and its surroundings, situated east of the Taebaek Mountain Range on the Korean peninsula.The festival includes a shamanistic ritual on the Daegwallyeong Ridge, which pays tribute to the mountain deity and male and female tutelary deities. It encompasses traditional music and Odokddegi folk songs, the Gwanno mask drama, oral narrative poetry, and various popular pastimes. The Nanjang market, Korea’s largest outdoor marketplace, is today a major element of the festival, where local products and handicrafts are sold and contests, games and circus performances take place. The four-week long festival begins with the brewing of a sacred liquor and the Dano shamanistic rituals, in which a central role is played by a sacred tree, the sinmok, and the hwagae, a ritual object made of feathers, bells and bamboo wood. One of the specific features of the festival is the coexistence of Confucian, shamanistic and Buddhist rituals. Through the rituals devoted to the deities, the region is believed to remain unaffected by natural disasters, allowing all its residents to live in peace and prosperity. Every year, a large number of visitors attend the various ritual performances and actively participate in events such as making Danoje festival fans, brewing the sacred liquor, drawing masks for the Gwanno Mask Drama, preparing and eating Surichiwi rice crackers and washing their hair in Iris water. The Gangneung Danoje Festival enjoys immense popularity. However, cultural standardization and increased media coverage over the years have resulted in the loss of some traditional elements of the festival. In the traditional context of the festival, one of the functions has been to transcend social differences by allowing people of all social classes to participate.

South Korea 2008