Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing is a performing art combining the genres of creative poetizing focused on good feelings and wishes, its singing with vocal improvisation and dancing with movements of hands, gestures and footsteps in accordance with the tune of the song. The element serves as a tool and a medium for conveying good wishes for happiness, mutual respect, solidarity, social cohesion to the wide public and youth. The element is considered as an inseparable part of child birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies and national celebrations. Its introductory part starts with singing poetic words of best wishes for well-being, happiness and sermon for the youth to keep close ties with elders that is performed by a seated group of respected women dressed in traditional costumes. Its next stage continues with inviting performers to start the rite and then the performance is led by singing of a couple of poetry singers (traditionally a woman and a man) with dances to the accompaniment of songs in a semi-closed or closed circles. Dancing movements start with three steps on right foot and then simultaneously tramping and clapping which are intended to drive maleficence and misfortune away from the future life. The element is performed at the end of events concluding in a positive note as a prayer to the nature for fertility, procreation, solidarity and peace.

Turkmenistan 2017

Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

Mongolians revere certain parts of bones of their domestic livestock animals and use them in their religious rites, plays and traditional games. One such popular team-based game is knucklebone shooting. Players flick thirty domino-like marble tablets on a smooth wooden surface towards a target of sheep knuckle-bones, aiming to knock them into a target zone. Each shooter possesses their own (arrow, chair, etc.) adjusted shooting tools and instruments especially made by hand and wear costumes embossed with distinguished characteristics depending on their rank and merits. All the equipment is made by traditional craftsmen. Its technique demands high levels of endurance and accuracy. Singers communicate their opinions to the shooters by singing traditional Knucklebone Shooting melodies and songs. Each competition's opening and closing ceremony has several specific rituals. National competitions tournaments involve 400-600 shooters; there are 30 or more competitions per year. Shooters build their own communities depending on their interest and affinity. This community is recognized as part of the cultural heritage. According to established rules teams consist of six to eight men, among which one or two have to be youngsters. Team members are tied by unbreakable internal bonds and follow clear ethical rules of mutual respect and dignity. A senior member who possesses well ethical and traditional knowledge and experiences will become the team leader. The Association is the principle representatives of bearers, preserving and promoting this heritage and ensuring continuous training and transmission of knowledge from senior to younger shooters.

Mongolia 2014

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

The ornament adorns all the objects surrounding the Kyrgyz from the moment of birth to the end of life. Nowadays, ornaments are very popular and used not only for decorating yurts and utensils but also for festive attires, jewelry, and souvenirs. Kyrgyz gave the patterns their own names identifying them with elements of their own and surroundings in the world around them. The shape of the symbols has reached us through the ages, almost unchanged. Kyrgyz ornaments include simple geometrical symbols, floral patterns, images of animals (both living and fantastic), nature, and stylized images of people. One of the most popular patterns are: ram’s horns, which repeats the image of this animal and represents prosperity or Umai ene, winged woman with a child, a spirit that represents fertility and protects mothers and babies. There are several types of Kyrgyz ornamental patterns: 1.\tPatterns symbolizing landscapes and other natural objects and processes such as Earth, a spring, eternal movement, Sun, Venus, star constellations, day and night, equinox; 2.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of animal kingdom such as raven claw, goose foot, ram horns, goat horns, a bird wing, a dog tail; 3.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of flora such as almond, clover, pomegranate, tulip; 4.\tPatterns symbolizing household objects as a comb, a lock, tip of a knife, köökör, a vessel for fermented milk; 5.\tPatterns with anthropomorphic elements.

A cattle breeding is one of the ancient activities dealt by Uzbeks. It is the dominant animal husbandry industry specializing in breeding cattle for milk, beef, leather raw materials, as well as as a traction force. Even the holy book of Zoroastrianism, “Avesta”, calls upon careful attitude towards cattle, in particular, in relation to horses, bovine animals, sheep and goats. A cattle breeding was one of the main activities in mountainous, submontane and steppe areas of Uzbekistan. The essence of traditions, knowledge and skills related to cattle breeding and goals pursued by them, were always the same - they were aimed at breeding animals, protecting them from various diseases, predators and thieves, preventing their loss, etc.

Young animals are castrated at the beginning of summer. The methods to castrate animals differ depending upon the flock or herd. The general ceremony of castration is the same. For instance, in order to castrate flocks, a felt rug or piece of quilted felt is stretched out at the western part of a ger. There is a support piece of the ger that is placed at the right of felt rug facing to the north. On the western side of the man doing the castration, a small sack of millet and a pail of water blended with a bit of milk are also placed. An arrow is set lengthwise on the top of pail. Beside them juniper needles are burnt in an incense-burner. After man did castration, he says as “be lighter than feather and faster than arrow, blood must be dried in time and healing comes in time, khurai khurai khurai, dur dur suukhaa”.

It is a combined genre consisting of a dutar making craftsmanship with creative abilities including a composing of music and performing of dutar’s music sat down accompanying by singing. A dutar is a two-stringed, long necked lute consisting of a pear-shaped resonator (body) covered by thin wooden sounding board. The turkmen dutar’s resonator and soundboard are made from mulberry wood prepared from dried bole of the tree no less than 50 years old and the neck of apricot wood. Most melody’ notes are played on the upper of the dutar’s two strings with the four fingers of the left hand. The dutar is an inseparable part of culture of the turkmen people where it is found in all of the main genres of turkmen music and singing. Performers of the turkmen dutar‘s music and singers are divided into 2 groups. A dutar player named as a dutarchy is performing only dutar’s music. A bagshy is a peformer of dutar’s music accompanying by singing of the different genres of poetry which also subdivided into 3 types according to their performing styles and repertiores. A yanamachy bagshy is only a singer accompanied by music performed by dutarchy. A tirmechi bagshy is a performer of different genres of the turkmen music accompanying by singing. A dessanchy bagshy is an epic perfomer incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation which in its performances a prose and poetry are alternated.

Turkmenistan 2021

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Gunduri is a straw mat, an agricultural byproduct consisting of the dry stalks of cereal plants after the grain and chaff have been removed. The temporary biodegradable products are made of natural material from the cereal crops such as barley, maize, oats, rice, rye, and wheat. It is used in villages and is locally made by the woman who has the skill to put it in a place. Whereas it is made of rice straw mostly in Tsirang, part of Dagana, Sarpang, and Samtse Dzongkhags. The making of the straw mats is carried out during the autumn season after the harvest of rice. It is also known as Gunduri in Lhotshamkha. The Gunduri making in Semjong gewog under Tsirang dzongkhag is still one of the unique cultures and traditions they have been practicing for so long. They prefer to use Gunduri because of their culture and tradition which have been preserved for so long. Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, 81 years old from upper Dzomling shared that they had used the Gunduri mat during the involvement of many people like marriage ceremonies, funeral rites, and when there was a celebration in the village. Due to the change in time, the practice of making Gunduri is declining because of available cheap carpets in the market. People prefer to use the Gunduri mat because of its comfortableness and convenient in many ways but it takes time, patience and lots of practice. These days people hardly practice the Gunduri making in Semjong gewog but however they still use the Gunduri mat that are woven aforetime which are in a good condition.

Due-za was a Bon Ritual that was once practiced in Yurung Gewog (block) under Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district). It was believed to have been brought from Tibet by the ancestors. There is no written or oral record of the preceders, however, Lopen Kapai was the last holder of the ritual according to the informants. Every three years in between the third and fourth lunar months, people from three gewogs namely, Yurung, Khominang, and Thungo would gather in a place called Aring in Lawung village. They would hold the ritual and do the same offerings to the local deities for a week. To make the offering, the men are grouped into three age groups; the strong adult men, the middle-aged, and the children. The people would know their duties and prepare for the ritual. The adult men would hunt deer, reindeer, and other large animals. The middle-aged men would fish from the rivers and the boys would catch birds. Meanwhile, the women would roast the cereals and grind. They only cast head of their catch for the offering. The remaining carcass was either left in the jungle or the hunters kept it for themselves as per the informant. They never consumed the meat of their catch during the ceremony. They prepared the altar led by Lopen (Master) Kapai (shrine) and the heads of the animals were displayed in it. The locals did not have a particular deity but would seek protection from the Dangling deity and Abi Jomo. Lopen would recite mantras while making the offerings. After the offering, four people would join their hands by crisscrossing to take a seat and a person would mount on it. He will be raised above and carried around. He would holler out ‘Wayo Wayo’ or ‘Bae Bae’ led by the Lopen and the people would join in the hollering. Every person would have roasted flour (Kapchi in local dialect) in their Gho (Bhutanese male dress) or Kira (Bhutanese female dress) pockets. They would take out a handful and force-feed to the nearest person for fun. People would prepare their best cuisines and have a potluck culture along with the local liquors; Ara, Bangchang, and Singchang. All entrances would be sealed and no Buddhist practitioners were allowed to enter and participate in the ritual. In case a practitioner entered unknowingly, it was believed a bad omen would befall the community and hence, would be blamed and dealt with accordingly. Accumulation of merits or carrying out virtuous acts by the members were prohibited. Dueza was said to have been performed for ages but the head of the village realized it to be immoral and against Buddhism. Upon discussion, the people agreed to cease the practice. They put forward an application to the Home Minister, Late Lyonpo Tamzing Jagar on the thirteenth lunar date of December 1966 to officially release an order to stop the practice. The order was declared on the fifteenth lunar date of December 1966. The great transition appeared after the kago (the blessings) from the three great Buddhist masters of the time, Gyalwang Karmapa Rangjung Rigpai Dorji, Kyabji Duejom Rinpoche Jigdral Yeshey Dorji, and Kyabji Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche.

Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap. In the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle. People also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself. In Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.