Salburyn is a festive event and an important component of Kazakh equestrian hunting with falcons and tazy greyhounds. It is a traditional ritual of transmitting hunting knowledge from skilled hunters to beginners and apprentice participants. Salburyn lasts 5-7 days, it is held in the winter hunting season. It is conducted at a large open space where the participants establish a camp of Kazakh yurts and tents as common areas. During the initial 2-3 days the experienced hunters share their knowledge and hunting methodology with young hunters. The hunting commences in the early morning after the elders give their blessing (bata). First part is compiled of pathfinders (yz kesushi) who read the game traces and establish the hunting ways. Participants split into the groups compiled of both more and less experienced hunters. Golden eagle hunters (berkutchi) detect the target and throw the eagle vectoring their flight trajectory with the hand movement. The tazy greyhounds are used in pairs. Some hunters are employing both eagles and tazy together. The triumphal celebration is organized for the hunters returning back, where elder women shower them with sweets. The hunters then bestow the pray to the elders hunters.

Lhaboen is performed in the villages of Taktse and Eusa, Drakten gewog under Trongsa. In Dzongkhag (National language) ‘Lha’ stands for deity or god and ‘boen’ for “Bon”. During Lhaboen the people perform rituals to summon their local deities Yueltsen Dorji Draktsen, Menmo Trashi Wangzom and Lhachen Wodhey Gungyel to their village inside the Lhachim (Temporary house prepared for the deities). The people express the words of gratitude for constantly guiding them and protecting them from all the ill effects of disasters and calamities. The important event is carried out every year where all the people congregate to pray for the wellbeing of its people, animals and crops. The main performer is the phajo accompanied by the elderly people of the village. The women dances, children and other villagers enjoys the day. The 3-day Lhaboen festival is performed annually. The main purpose of the festival is to bring peace, harmony, foster good fortune, and fulfil the desired wishes of the people in the community. In the past people used to please their dieties by offering fresh meat from the slaughtered cows or ox which is now replaced by the meat available in the meat shop. The community stopped slaughtering of animals long time back.

Held from the 10th through the 15th days of the second lunar month, main foci of this festival are paying tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the performance of ritual prayers dedicated to Tshepamed (Buddha of Long Life) and local protective deities on the 10th and the 11th days. Events take place in community temples and are presided over by lamas and monks, and/or locally-based gomchens (Leymen). On the 12th to 15th days, games and sports are organized, especially archery and Khuru (Traditional dart) are played. At night, the Blessing Round or Changkor (Wandering) takes place as a presiding lama or monk leads a group to visit every household in their respective villages and bless them with auspiciousness. The community members drink, sing and dance, and relish good foods during the period. The festival is not only meant to pay tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the protective deities but is also an occasion for community members to get together to relax away from the usual toils of agrarian life. During Tala Chodpa, most of the villages conduct certain ritual prayers. Often the dagkey, or main ritual prayer, is either the Lama Norbu Jamtsho of Pema Lingpa or dedicated to Tshepamed, the Buddha of Long Life. These are often followed by ritual prayers conducted on the individual household level or at the community’s choesung, and include Guru Soeldeb, prayers to Guru Rinpoche. Groups of seven or eight monks from Nyimalung Dratshang preside over the Chodpa ritual prayers and rituals in different villages. The monks of Buli Gonpa also preside over Chodpa ritual prayers in upper Chume. It is said that previously monks from Tharpaling Monastery also presided over the Chodpa rituals in the upper villages of Chume like Uruk and Gaytsa, but now they are no longer available due to activities in their home monastery. Wherever monks are not available, local gomchens take their places. It is said that gomchens are playing an increasingly prominent role as monks are busy with their monastic activities as well as due to other disciplinary issues. In all the community Lhakhangs (Temple), the ritual prayers take place on the 10th and 11th days, followed by associated programming that continues through the 15th day. Between the 12th and 15th days, different villages organize traditional games, including archery, Doegor (stone-throwing) and khuru (darts), as well as singing and dancing by almost all the local residents. At night, they organize the Changkor, during which they bring Torma or sacrificial cakes from their respective community temples and carry them from house to house, spreading blessings.

Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.

Like in many other countries, dozo (masonry or stonework) is an old craft that is still in practice throughout the country. The skills of Bhutanese masonry can be seen in fortresses, temples, monasteries, stupas and farmhouses. It required special skills to cut and polish stones into right shapes and sizes and was carried out under the strict supervision of the head carpenter, who also had the role of an architect. Stone masons use an axe like tool called dota. Stones of crude shapes and sizes are chiselled into right shapes according to the style of the structure. There are mainly five different types of stone shapes that the masons prepare for construction. They are jamdo- used as the foundation stones, zurdo (corner stone) used as the corners walls, tshigdo (flat stones) that are used in the middle, dotru (pebbles) used in between the two chiseled stones and dochal (flat stones) layed in the courtyards of the dzong and temples. A skilled mason would first lay the zurdo (corner stone) and position other stones towards its right and left. The masons used a measuring thread called thig to correctly align these stones. People from Rinchengang village in Wangdue Phodrang Dzongkhag are well known for their great masonry skills. Most villages in the western part of Bhutan use mud, instead of stones for house construction as mud houses are believed to keep the interior warm in winter and cool in summer. It also depended on the type of construction materials available. Some of the outstanding stone works are; a. Dzongs: Bhutan is dotted with these majestically erected fortresses that sit high on top of the hills often overlooking the valleys. The dzongs are located at strategic places. It has massive stone walls with large courtyards and beautiful woodwork on windows and cornices which are the most striking among the diverse architectural expressions of the country. These structures had served the purpose of defending the country against foreign invasions in the past. These magnificent structures are the true representation of our architectural uniqueness and the living testimony of our artistic skills. Dzongs are mostly rectangular and square structures while ta-dzong (watch towers) and Chu-dzong are mostly round cylindrical structures. Today, these dzong are the seat of administration and monastic body. b. Stupas: Choeten or stupas are literally translated as a vessel of worship or offering the most common feature on the Bhutanese landscape. It is believed that after the cremation of the Lord Buddha, his relics were divided among eight groups of claimants and that each of the claimants later erected a reliquary in which they preserved the relics. Thus, there are eight different types of choeten today (Choeten Degye). At that time, these structures were erected only to preserve the relics of sublime beings and assumed greater meaning and significance much later. Building a stupa came to be considered an act of great piety, earning merit for the actual builders as well as for those who supported the act. It is also a beautiful illustration of our masonry skills. A choeten requires a great deal of stonework, as it is built out of stones. We can also see prayer mantras carved on the stones. c. Long Prayer Walls: Long mani walls locally known as mani dang rim are the monuments from medieval Bhutan found along the main mule tracks displaying the mantra of Avalokiteshvara carved on slabs of slates. These elegant monuments were testimony to the richness of spiritual devotions as well as significant landmarks for travelers. They have survived extreme climatic conditions for many years. It is said that construction of Mani walls in the country had begun around 15th century during the time of Tertoen Pema Lingpa. However, most of the Mani walls were said to be constructed during the reign of the 4th Druk Desi Tenzin Rabgye (1638-96). Mani walls were largely constructed with locally available materials such as stones, a small quantity of timber and mud used as the mortar. Side plinth is raised from the ground and a wall is constructed at the height of about 6 feet and generally carved Mani slabs are placed on it either in single or double line from end to end. A timber superstructure is raised on the top with a wall height of one foot and is often roofed with flat stone slabs or slate. The middle and two ends are raised higher than the other parts with a particular architectural design. The center portion has a pocket for enshrining three deities of Manjushri (left), Avalokiteshvara (centre) and Vajrapani (right). The special place in the centre is made of timber and the deities are placed on the wall with a space in front for making butter lamp offerings or other offerings. d. Farm Houses: Bhutanese farmhouses are typically built out of mud and stone. A standard practice was to erect two-storied house although an ideal house had three main floors and an attic. The materials for the houses vary across the country depending on the climatic conditions and the topography of the places. For instance, Bago and Dag jar Zhikom (farmhouses made out of stones and wood) which are lightly decorated in traditional style are found in the southern and eastern parts of Bhutan. In central and western Bhutan, double storey houses with main walls made of stones and rammed earth while the inner partitions are made of bamboo mats are found. Houses in the cold places like Lingzhi and Laya, Merak and Sakteng are mostly built out of stonewall. e. Grinding Stones: Rangtha is a pair of round grinding stones that is maneuvered by the hands. This is usually found in places where stream water is not available in the vicinity. Chura is a bigger version of the rangtha which is powered by water. While the stone pair works on the same principle, the watermills are much bigger in size and often turn faster depending on the pace of the water flow. It is still being used in some rural villages. For example, in Bumthang it is mostly used for grinding wheat and buckwheat. f. Bridges: Stonework also finds its use in the construction of the traditional bridges, which were built out of wood and stones. The stone is used as the foundation (jamdo) for constructing all sorts of bridges like chazam (iron bridges), bazam (cantilever bridges) and tshazam (cane bridges which are no longer used).

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

The Ramman is a form of traditional ritual theatre celebrated every year in the courtyard of the temple of Bhumiyal Devta situated in Saloor Dungra Village in Painkhanda valley of Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India. The village deity of Saloor Dungra is Bhumichetrapal, also known as Bhumiyal Devta. Historical accounts of the preexisting tradition are available since 1911. In the Hindu month, Baisakh (April-May), on the sankranti day, Bhumiyal Devta comes out in a procession to the temple. On the second day of the festival, people offer hariyali (sprouted barley plants), to the deity, which has ecological reference. Every day, the Bhumiyal Devta takes a round of the village. The main components of the masked performance are as follows: ▶Celestial Aspect -Dance of Ganesh-Kalinki (Parvati) -The dance of Sun God: Enactment of creation-myth and birth of Brahma and Ganesh. -Bur Deva (Narad): Rani-Radhika dance. -Bur Deva Raja dances along with Gopi Chand (Sri Krishna) and Rani Radhika (Gopis) on different beats and gestures. ▶Temporal Mwar-Mwarin Dance: The dance shows the travails of the buffalo herders in their hazardous journey through the jungle to the hills. A tiger is shown attacking and injuring the Mwar. Baniya-Baniyain Nritya (Dance of the Trader-Couple): It shows hardships of the common people. The episode shows robbers attacking and looting the merchant couple. ▶Performance The performance then shifts towards the enactment of the local Ramkatha, the core Rama story. Episodes from Rama’s life are sung. The dance is performed on 18 different beats yielding a total 324 beats and steps. The episodes enacted and sung are: -Ram-Lakshman’s visit to Janakpur -Sita’s Swyamwar -Hanuman Milan (Meeting with Hanuman) -Swarna Mrig Vadh (killing of the Golden deer) -Sita Haran (Abduction of Sita) -Lanka Dahan (Burning of Lanka) -Raj Tilak (Coronation ) There are other dances and episodes like Maal Nritya, Koorjogi and Narsingh Pattar Nritya. ▶Historical Aspect -Maal Nritya: Rama story is followed by the historical battle between the Gurkhas of Nepal and the local Garhwalis. Two dancers carrying weapons move on to the central performing arena, enacting a battle scene. They are comical in looks, attire and gestures. -Maal artists are four in number, two red and two white, respectively representing the Gorkhas and the Garhwalis. It is mandatory to have a red Maal from the Kunwar caste of the Rot hamlet, Saloor village, as it is believed that this hamlet supported the Gorkhas. The other three are selected by the Gram Panchas. One white Maal each is chosen from the twin villages and the remaining red Maal comes from village Dungra. This performance manifests past valour and bravery, sums up the total religious and aesthetic experience of the community, and renegotiates its identity and place in the bigger cosmic drama every year. ▶Ecological Aspect Ramman is an agrarian festival in celebration of ties between man, nature and the divine. Maize and barley seeds, sprouted in ritual pots, are offered to Bhumiyal Devta who, in turn, promises prosperity to all, including agricultural yield and forest produce. -Koorjogi: This episode is of immense ecological relevance. Various harmful weeds (koor) in the village fields are pulled out by Koorjogi (character who carries a sack full of these weeds). One of the most joyous moments in the series is throwing thorny weeds on each other, creating a mayhem of goodwill and merriment, establishing a sense of community and harmony. -Make-up of Artists: The Ramman performance involves use of masks and make-up using sheep’s wool, honey, vermilion, wheat flour, oil, turmeric, soot and locally grown plants and vegetables. -Masks are made from wood of local trees and this involves lengthy rituals. ▶Musical Aspect -Drumming Tradition: The performance revolves around playing of drums by Das drummers from the lowest caste, whose status is elevated during the performance. -Jagar Tradition: Jagaris or Bhallas of Rajput caste are professional bards and sing oral epics and legends (Jagars). The festival ends with a feast where the prasada of the deity is distributed as sacrament.

India 2009

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

Traditional games are held during the field festival in early spring. Players are male and female in good health. The game involves a large group of individuals, and teams are formed out of them. Each team has 8 - 20 people depending on conditions. You can mix male and female or play male vs. male or female vs. female. Tugging Rituals and Games in Tuyen Quang include two types: ropeless tug of war and roped tug of war. Ropeless tug of war requires participants to use their hands to wrap their arms around the abdomen of the person in front to form the links of the whole team. The leader of each team must clasp their hands together and the whole team begins to pull. During the pulling process, if any team is pulled across its boundary, or the formation is broken, broken, or falls, it will lose. Wireless tug of war is often organized by children to play and compete with each other at the foot of hills, lawns, large fields, school yards, cultural grounds, etc. Tug-of-war games with ropes are usually for adults to play and compete in. It is not only a sports game but also a harvest ritual of many ethnic groups in Tuyen Quang. Before the festival, the villages will have to choose an outstanding young man, whose age matches the year of the festival, to go into the forest to find a rope to braid to make a tug-of-war rope. Forest wire must ensure length and toughness such as rattan wire, hook wire, etc. Each village must also select members of the tug-of-war team to prepare for practice and competition. If any team wins the tug-of-war competition, it is a sign that the village will have a good harvest that year, and all luck will be safe. Tugging Rituals and Games skills focus on coordination between members, how to use hand strength and foot position. The competition format includes three rounds. In the middle of the zipper, a red silk string is tied as a marker. After the command sounds, the team that pulls the marker to their side is the winner.

Viet Nam 2015

Today, piled weaving is vividly demonstrated in the patterned piled carpets that are distinguished by their quality and durability. Sheep, caprine or camel hair is used for base of the carpets. Piled carpets are original and colorful as are other items of the applied and decorative arts of the Kyrgyz. Kyrgyz piled carpets, are weaved on a simple horizontal machine – ‘dyukoun’. Instruments of masters also include wooden comb – ‘tokmok’, which is used to nail picks and piles, a knife – to cut piled threads, and scissors – to trim the piles. Geometrical shapes are prevailing in the Kyrgyz piled carpets. These are: squares with jogged edges or elongated endings – ‘omurtka’, triangles – ‘tumarcha’, cross shaped figures – ‘chaidosh’, simple or stepped rhombs – ‘it taman’, star shaped forms – ‘jyldyz’ as well as various octangulars and etc. Plant and horn shaped motifs are also present in the ornaments such as ‘toguz doubou’ (nine hills), ‘alma kouchout’ (apple pattern) and etc.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

For thousands of years, nomadic herders of Mongolia roamed across the country-side from season to season. Dry, windy areas close to rivers are best for summers while areas away from river-bank wind and close to mountains or hills are best for winter stays. In the country where pasture always was and still is a public domain, the herders moved freely to the best locations for the season. With this lifestyle of freedom of movement and pastoral animal husbandry was invented the national dwelling called the ‘Mongol ger’. It is a round structure of easily dismantle-able walls, polls and a round ceiling covered with canvas and felt, tightened with ropes. The ger was designed to be light enough for Mongolian nomads to carry, flexible enough to fold-up, pack and assemble, sturdy enough for multiple dismantling and assembling as well as easy for regulating temperatures within. Over many centuries the mongol ger was modified into a perfectly aerodynamic structure which can withstand Mongolia's fierce spring winds ranging up to 18-20 meter/sec. It can be dismantled in half an hour and assembled in an hour by a small family with 2-3 adults. The Mongol ger has many varieties. The most common “5-wall ger” consists of five lattice segments forming a circular wall, a door, a toono (round window ceiling), two bagana (columns that hold the toono), and 88 uni(long poles that connect wall lattices and toono which forms the roof of the ger). There are also several accessories attached to the ger.

Mongolia 2013