When you arrive in Haa, you are greeted by three giant identical hills rising steeply to the west, known as Miri Pun Sum, also styled as Miri Pun Suum or sometimes Me Rig Puen Sum: The Three Brothers Hills or The Three Sisters Hills. Located on the border between Kartshog and Uesu Gewog, one can admire the aligned hills in the middle of Haa Valley. For centuries, the Miri Pun Sum has been worshipped as the abode and embodiment of the Rig-sum Gonpo, Lords of the Three Families: with Jampleyang or Manjushiri on the left; Chenrizig or Avalokiteshvara in the middle; and Chana Dorje Vajrapani on the right. These three deities are considered the most important deities in the Vajrayana Buddhist pantheon, Miri Pun Sum symbolizes and emplaces them in the landscape, so they are worshipped as guardian deities protecting the Haa Valley. Legend has it that people suddenly appeared out of nowhere from Miri Pun Sum, and built the Lhakhang temple of Karpo and Nagpo, which stands in front of the three hills today. It is also believed that this sudden appearance of people from these three hills gave the place its name "Ha". Locals believe that the three hills themselves embody Buddhist powerful beings, and each is associated with a village as well. The people of the Bji and Kartshog Gewog village block are represented by the hill of Chana Dorji, the Vajrapani bodhisattva; they are known to be darker and tougher than their neighbors. While the notoriously meek people of the Uesu gewog are represented by the hill of Chenrizig, the Avaloketeshvara bodhisattva of compassion. Finally, Samar, Gakiling, and Sangbay gewogs are represented by the hill of Jampelyang, Manjushri bodhisattva of wisdom, to reflect their gentle, down-to-earth, and easygoing nature. People also believe that the collective welfare of Haaps depends on the condition of Miri Pun Sum, which is why the Haaps protect the three hills with great reverence. Locals believe that the Miri Pun Sum maintain peace in the valley. It is also believed that these three hills are responsible for rain, harvest, and prosperity of the families. Only when in the presence of these majestic hills can one truly fathom and appreciate this unique, fascinating landscape. Miri Pun Suum is considered a sacred landmark, revered by all Haaps with great respect and devotion. Since time immemorial, Haaps have offered Soel-kha propitiation rituals to Miri Pun Sum. In 2013, under the leadership of the Lhayul-kha people, the Haaps officially erected a Lha-chhim deity shrine in front of Miri Pun Sum to specifically perform Mang-chhoe, a great offering ritual for the welfare of the entire population, or Soel-kha for Miri Pun Sum. This Mang-chhoe is performed annually on the 30th day of the twelfth lunar month. The Lha-chhim is looked after by two administrators whose posts are filled alternately by the residents of Lhayulkha village.

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity The Yeongsanjae is performed to help all beings and spirits enter into the world of truth, by worshipping and admiring the Buddha, Buddha’s law and monks. It is the highest and biggest ritual utilized by Korean Buddhists to represent the world of Buddha here and now and is based on the philosophy of the Lotus Sutra. It is also a means for meditation and training. The order of a Yeongsanjae performance is as follows: 1. Reception Ritual (siryeon): The purpose here is to receive all the saints and spirits of heaven and earth with the guidance of the Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva so that the ritual can be performed in a holy way. 2. Spirit Reception (daeryeong): The masters of the ritual are the spirits, dead and alive, i.e., all people. Dead spirits are invited to the ritual, while those present at the ritual are told why it is being performed and given the directions they should follow, based on the Buddha’s Law. Families of the deceased dedicate food and liquor as an expression of their love and respect for the dead. 3. Cleansing of the Dirt (gwanyok): This is the ritual to cleanse the three karmas of the spirits that have accepted invitation so as to facilitate the achievement of serenity. 4. Donation of Money (Jojeon Jeoman): “Jojeon” means money that can be used in the nether world, and “jeoman” means to endow money with value. The necessity of money is to awaken us to the fact that our life is maintained by material blessings from the outside. 5. Tea Donation (Sinjung Jakbeop): A tea ceremony is dedicated to all the saintly spirits invited with the hope that the ritual will be performed well. 6. Reception of Buddha (Gwaebul Iun): Sakyamuni Buddha, the master of the ritual and who will preach on the Lotus Sutra, and all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are received according to the Law of Buddhism. 7. Dedication of Rice Meal (Sangdan Gwongong): With the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas invited, a rice meal is dedicated. In this ritual, wishes are made that, with the merciful help of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, all beings will obtain happiness and that the light of truth lit by Buddha will shine over the world of suffering. 8. Sermon (Beopmun): A monk in place of Buddha reconfirms the purpose of the ceremony, presenting concrete ways to realize that purpose. The monk delivers a sermon in which the audience is invited to the door of truth. 9. Meal Ritual (Sikdang Jakbeop): This ritual meal is intended not for the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, but for the monks attending the ceremony. However, symbolically, it is for all beings in this universe, and through this service a foundation is laid for becoming a Buddha. 10. Blessing Ritual (Jungdan Gwongong): All of the saintly beings attending the ritual are asked to help ensure a good performance of the ritual. It also asks for blessings on all those present at the ritual. 11. Meal for the Dead Ritual (Sisik): Since the attendees are fortunate to be listening to the words of Buddha and since all rejoice that the dead have all gone to heaven, a happy rather than sorrowful ritual is performed for the departed to celebrate and congratulate themselves on going to heaven. 12. Farewell Ritual (Bongsong & Sodae Baesong): At the opening of the ritual, all beings were politely received with chants, so likewise, they should be given a proper farewell. The farewell is the final step in affecting the deceased’s final destination. Since Yeongsanjae was designated an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage by the state in 1973, it has been under national protection. In 1987, when the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association was officially established, it started to perform activities to ensure its transmission. The Yeongsanjae has been transmitted by the Taego Order, a Korean Buddhist order. Based at Bongwonsa Temple, the Taego Order maintains the tradition of Buddhist rituals and as such, most of the transmitters are monks of the Taego Order. Currently, Monk Kim In-sik (Buddhist name: Guhae) is the primary Yeongsanjae expert in terms of Buddhist music, following the ranks of Jigwang, Byeokeung, Songam, and Ileung. Assisting Kim are Ma Myeong-chan, Lee Su-gil, Oh Chan-yeong, Lee Byeong-u, Lee Jo-won and Han Hui-ja, who are all trainers in Buddhist music and dance or making the ornamental paper flowers for the ritual. A total of 240 transmitters are leading the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association. Until 2006, Bongwonsa Temple held a Yeongsanjae ritual for the public on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month. In order to encourage more people to participate in the ritual, it is now held on Memorial Day, a national holiday which falls on June 6.

South Korea 2009

Overlooking a small perennial spring amidst a wooded hill is the seat of the Sapta Devi, “replica of seven goddesses” under a big rock beside a tree on the slope of the hill. In Lhotsamkha (Southern Bhutanese language), they are regarded as the Sapta Devi – “Seven goddesses” the protecting deity of the village. As per the present elderly village folks, one of the main stone replicas was dug out and was originated at same place, which is regarded as main deity was dug out by the local shaman “Paus”. A few meters below there is a pond of the deity. In the past, people used to collect water from the pond for domestic use. The origin of the identification of the sacred site dates back to the first settlement in 1940sas no villagers exactly know the date when they knew about the deity. According to the folks, herders and people collecting water from the pond used to see images of little girl vanishing into the bushes usually in the morning and evening. Even some people fell ill after they saw the image of the spirit. Upon consulting the shaman, they said that they were possessed by the deity residing above the spring. So, a group of shamans performed rites in the month of May in 1966, and identified the exact location and dug out the stone’s replica of the deity. People say that the stone replica was unearthed by the shamans after they knew about the location. The shamans also fixed a day for the ceremony to be performed during new moon in the month of May every year. The community thereafter started celebrating the day annually and performed the rites on the new moon day in May. Although the people observe the day annually, people visit the seat of the local deity whenever the village is in grip of pandemic or natural calamities. They make offerings of local products, incense and new pieces of different colored clothes. The past practice of killing animals as offering is no more in practice. Instead, Brahmins (one of the Hindhu casts) recite Holy Scriptures to please the goddess. The rice mixed with butter is offered in the sacrificial fire. All the people in the village take part in the ceremony to pray and ward off any disaster or natural calamities in the village.

Saint Gióng also known as Phù Đổng Sky King in historical literature is a legendary hero of the ancient Vietnamese. Many centuries ago, Saint Gióng festival of Phù Đổng village –his homeland– was ranked as the most attractive one in the Northern Delta. It attracts tens of thousands of people from everywhere to attend thanks to its performing match like a battle that reenacts the national hero’s victory. The festival in Phù Đổng Village symbolically re-enacts the battles, in which the saint’s generals, such as Flag Master, Drum Master, Gong Master, Army Master and Children’s Master fight against the enemies generals. Gióng festival takes place from the 6th to the 12th day of the fourth lunar month, mobilizing hundreds of village male teenagers who act phù giá (assisstants) in an elite troop. On the 6th day of the fourth lunar month, those who act generals have to be launched in front of the Sky King, and then gather at Phù Đổng temple where they officially enter the time and space of the legend. A ritual of sacrifice is one of the most important practices of the festival at Sky King Temple as it is believed that sacrifice symbolizes the community’s respect dedicated to the holy Saint. It is followed by the ritual of water procession performed by the generals of the troop, which implies that sacred water taken from Mẫu Temple is used to bathe the weapon. The chess-playing ritual also known as the battle ritual is the central activity of Gióng festival of Phù Đổng temple and it is practiced in the form of a grand performance. In the Sóc Temple, where Saint Giong ascended to Heaven on his iron horse, the celebrations include a ritual of bathing Giong statue and a procession of bamboo flowers and elephant to the temple as offerings to the saint. Bamboo flowers are dispersed to villager as a good luck throughout the year.

Viet Nam 2010

New Year is often a time when people wish for prosperity and new beginnings. March 21 marks the start of the year in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, India, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. It is referred to as Nauryz, Navruz, Nawrouz, Nevruz, Nooruz, Novruz, Nowrouz or Nowruz meaning ‘new day’ when a variety of rituals, ceremonies and other cultural events take place for a period of about two weeks. An important tradition practised during this time is the gathering around ‘the Table’, decorated with objects that symbolize purity, brightness, livelihood and wealth, to enjoy a special meal with loved ones. New clothes are worn and visits made to relatives, particularly the elderly and neighbours. Gifts are exchanged, especially for children, featuring objects made by artisans. There are also street performances of music and dance, public rituals involving water and fire, traditional sports and the making of handicrafts. These practices support cultural diversity and tolerance and contribute to building community solidarity and peace. They are transmitted from older to younger generations through observation and participation. Nauryz (Kazakh Nauryz, from Persian Nov Ruz – 'A new day') is the holiday of the New Year and the beginning of spring on the solar calendar from the astronomical Iranian and Turkic people. Nauryz is a national tradition, which has no direct relation to Islamic customs. It is celebrated on March 21, the day of spring equinox. Nomads believed that on this day - the starting point in the world update. Kazakhs call this day holy - "Ulustyng uly kuni" (The Great Day of the nation). According to the established belief on this day the people got rid of the winter hardships, happy for the safety of prosperous wealth - cattle. There are various rites, rituals and cultural activities carried out within each family and community. These forms and rituals handed down from generation to generation. In Kazakhstan Nauryz includes the following ceremonies and rituals: cult of the first herbs (there is a taboo to tear and crumple first grass); all dishes to be filled with milk at night; milk is also poured on the ground, this means a transition from red food ( meat) to white (dairy); cult of the rising sun (the birth of a new day). At Nauryz each family prepares ritual meal "nauryzdyk" («nauryzdyқ"), "Nauryz soup" («Nauryz kozhe") in the form of soup. It consists of seven traditional products. After tasting them, Kazakhs hoped to feed them for a whole year.

Kazakhstan 2016

Lưu Xá Communal House Festival, with a history of more than 400 years, is held from the 15th to the 17th of the first lunar month. The festival is held to commemorate the Linh Lang Đại Vương tutelary god- the Saint who protects the people, worshiped at the village communal house. The festival is held mainly at Lưu Xá communal house, with a palanquin procession from the communal house to the Thượng Temple, a place of worship, about 1km away, and a statue of the Holy Mother from the Mother Temple, next to the communal house, to attend the festival. The festival begins with the "Ướt Dầm" ritual at the beginning of the first lunar month. The main festival is held on the 15th and 16th of January, with a ritual of welcoming the Saint by road and water. In the past, the festival ended with a rowing competition between the hamlets at the river junction (also known as Ba Thá junction) - the intersection of two rivers: Bùi River and Đáy River. The festival of Lưu Xá communal house is a festival of the fishing village residents, with the rowing ritual representing the village tradition and the tradition of the profession; is the continuation and promotion of the cultural tradition that links people with the river environment, fishing, river transportation, and consciousness and spirituality with water gods and rivers.

Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival is a traditional practice which is composed of a set of rituals and can be traced back to middle ages. Emerged in XIVth century Rumelia (Southwestern part of Turkey), Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is one of the world’s oldest festivals (648 years). 648th Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival was organized in Edirne, in 2009. Festival ceremonies last for three days. The festival is launched by the welcoming ceremony of Kırkpınar Aga with 40 davul-zurna bands in front of Edirne Municipality Building. The festival activities then move on ceremonial procession in the city center followed by moment of silence ceremony, singing the Kırkpınar anthem and visiting the ‘Cemetery of Pehlivans’. The “golden belt”, which the Chief Pehlivan (Baş Pehlivan) will be rewarded with, is carried during the ceremonial procession. The festival starts on Friday, which is regarded as holy by the Muslims. The reason for choosing Holy Friday as the first day of the festival is the tradition of reciting mevlid (prayer) for the pehlivans. The “mevlid” is recited in historical Selimiye Mosque by the participation of all pehlivans. The events continue with the wrestling of pehlivans on an arena built exclusively for the festival in the outside of the city centre, Men’s Field (Er Meydanı) is the place where the oil wrestling is held as a customary practice of Pehlivan wrestling. Oiling of pehlivans in the field and Peşrev, which consists of a series harmonized warming up exercises and salutation, are important rituals of the festival. The festival goes on with the introduction of the pehlivans by cazgırs and at the end of the third day, the festival closes with the awarding of Kırkpınar Golden Belt to the winner called Chief Pehlivan. A band of 40 davul-zurna players perform ‘Kırkpınar tunes’ throughout the festival. What distinguishes Kırkpınar from any other wrestling festival is its rich cultural form which preserved its traditional image for centuries. Attracting people from all regions of Turkey, Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling Festival contributes greatly to social peace along with a sense of cultural cohesion. Such a rooted tradition which is sustained by the groups, communities and individuals contributes to dissemination of intangible cultural heritage concept as well. Kırkpınar can be considered as a fair with its authentic objects (red-bottomed candles, kıspets, local traditional clothes, peşgirs, zembils -a kind of tool for carrying the kıspet, tools for oil, davuls and zurnas, golden belt), rituals (praying, mevlid tradition, peşrev and oiling) and cultural identities ( pehlivan figure) (pehlivan, Kırkpınar agası (main sponsor), cazgır). Main Elements of the Festival Pehlivans Wrestlers who oil themselves are called pehlivans. The figure of pehlivan is an important element of cultural identity for Turkish people. Pehlivans are exemplary figures in the society with their attributes like generosity, honesty, adherence to traditions and customs and respectfulness. Therefore, the most chivalrous pehlivans or pehlivans that display the best peşrev are also rewarded. Pehlivans are trained in master-apprentice tradition. All the wrestlers in the festival are called ‘pehlivan’. The ultimate winner of the Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is called Chief Pehlivan of Turkey and he carries the golden belt for one year’s period. The wrestler, who becomes chief pehlivan for three consecutive years, also becomes the owner of the golden belt. Kırkpınar Aga Concept of aga is one of the most fundamental elements of Kırkpınar Oil-Wrestling. The concept of Aga is regarded as an institutional identity. As pehlivans, agas are also considered as exemplary figures in the society who adhere to traditions. Kırkpınar Aga is officially recognized by the state and thus a car with a red plate (a type of official plate) written Kırkpınar Aga on is specifically allocated to the Aga. This red plate is valid at least for one year during the period of Agalık. Following the festival opening, agalık for next year is announced. The one who offers to make the highest financial contribution to cover the festival costs is designated as Kırkpınar Aga for the next year. This tradition is one of the most important elements as regards to the sustainability of the festival. Kırkpınar Aga is the main sponsor of the festival events. Cazgır Also known as salavatçıs, cazgırs introduce all the pehlivans to the audience citing their names, titles, skills in verse format and through prayers and they start the match. They are also supposed to introduce the opponents to each other after the pairing up, praying and informing both sides about the strong points each opponent has with advices. They need to have a fine strong voice and be able to improvise prayers in verse. Cazgırs strive to maintain unity within the field and bring the pehlivans together in a common spirit. Their talks inspire and excite the people around. They utter prayers called salavat in a musical style which catalyzes the enthusiasm of the participants. Cargırs are acknowledged as a profession and they come from a master-apprentice tradition. Davul - Zurna players As another essential element of oil wrestling festival, davul-zurna players are trained in masterapprentice tradition. Kırkpınar music which is known as pehlivan tunes is played exclusively in this festival. A group of 40 davul-zurna players perform during the festival. In Edirne, three different associations have been established to perform musical pieces for Kırkpınar Festival. During the festival, davul-zurna band performs in traditional dresses. Instruments of Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling ▶Kıspet Kıspet is the basic outfit of a pehlivan. They are a kind of thick trousers made of water buffalo or cow leather. Currently, kıspet is tailored by a limited number of masters in Çanakkale and Samsun provinces. ▶Zembil Zembil, a traditional handcraft, which is a hand-made instrument produced on a special reed workbench. Zembil is only made and used for carrying the kıspet. ▶Red Bottomed Candle This candle is the official symbol of invitation for Kırkpınar. In the past these candles were hung in coffee houses of towns and villages to indicate the townsfolk were invited to the Kırkpınar.

Turkey 2010

The Bamboo Cord Tugging Rituals and Games are one of three important rituals of the Vua Bà Temple festival, which takes place on January 4. The bamboo used to make the mine is carefully selected and is 7-8m long. After cutting bamboo, you must report it to the Holy Lady and ask permission to make scissors. The mine is made from two Bánh tẻ bamboo trees, long internodes, no decay, no truncated ends, about 8m long, the bamboo segments are calculated to enter the letters Prosperous or Peace according to the cycle of Prosperous - Decline - Stuck - Peace, must count the 9th segment and 3 more segments to bend the beak back. Two long bamboo trees are connected by crushing a bamboo segment (burn number 10), then bending it into a beak and hooking it together. The lattice tied on the hook between two bamboo trees (3 lattices on each side) has great flexibility. There are 2 teams: the inside team (standing in the South) and the outside team (standing in the North). Each team has 5, 7, or 9 members depending on the year, shirtless and a captain, a technical instructor. After reporting to Thanh, the two teams stood at opposite ends of the mine. There are 3 lines: 1 center line and 2 win or lose lines, 50cm from one side to the other is a loss. The first round is called "clearing the crowd", the next two rounds are the winners and losers. The organizing committee does not declare victory or defeat, only announces the same prize, people can see and judge for themselves (if the inside team wins, they will get a rice crop; if the outside team wins, they will get a crop of white beans and a small amount of other things).

Viet Nam 2015