The obligatory ritual for all men, marking adulthood, is usually held from the end of winter to the end of January of the following year. If the person dies before the ceremony, the family will do it before the funeral. Usually there are 3 levels: 3, 7 and 12 lights. The shaman presides over the ceremony with an interplay of musical instruments, costumes, and offerings. It includes a lot of rituals according to the process: Presenting ceremony of the person receiving the ceremony, Ceremony of giving and lowering of lamps, Ceremony of naming of Dharma names, Ceremony of delivering the sound of soldiers and rice to feed the army, Ceremony of crossing the bridge, Ceremony of granting worshiping tools, The ceremony of imparting the magic power, the ceremony of worshiping the sun god, the ceremony of red silk, also known as the second wedding ceremony, the ceremony of worshiping the rice souls, the ceremony of visiting heaven or the second birth ceremony, the Ascension Ceremony.

Kimchi is a vegetable dish which is made by seasoning various vegetables or wild edible greens with spices, fruits, meat, fish or fermented seafood before undergoing lactic fermentation. In this course, tastes of the ingredients blend well producing a unique flavour. The tradition of Kimchi-making dates back to the 10th century and it has hundreds of variants. As rice typifies the staple food of the Koreans, so does Kimchi, the Korean’s side dish. It is served not only at every meal but also on special occasions such as weddings, holidays, birthday parties and memorial services for the deceased as well as state banquets. The daily consumption of Kimchi by Koreans is great in amount. Each Kimchi variant differs in ingredients and recipes according to seasons and localities. It has remarkable nutrition values as well. Koreans take it for granted that they help each other in Kimchi-making among neighbours, relatives or workplace colleagues. In this practice they boast their Kimchi, give advices on skills and congratulate each other on their successful Kimchi-making.

North Korea 2015

Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.

Philippines 2019

Oshi Palav (pilaf) is a kind of traditional meal of the Tajik people, which is prepared regularly at homes and in celebrations, rituals, gatherings. In dining rooms, national restaurants and tea-houses the Oshi Palav is everyday favourite meal of Tajik people. The Oshi Palav is prepared from carrot, rice, meat (beef, lamb, chicken), oil, onion and water in a big pot. For better flavor, cooks add some peas, saffron, garlic, caraway seeds, pepper and barberry. During the centuries Tajik people created different kinds of this meal, like "Oshi yak ba yak", "Palavi toki", "Oshi devzira", "Bedonapalav" and etc. up to 200 kinds of the element. In traditional Tajik culture there are many customs, rituals, celebrations and social gatherings dedicated specially to the element in which participate a big number of people, for example, the rituals "maslihat-oshi" (osh for advices), "sabzirezakunon" (cutting carrot rite), "oshi nahor" (morning osh), "oshi zanho" (osh for women), "oshi harifona" (osh of friends), "oshi gapkhuri" (osh with talking) and etc. The Oshi Palav in such gatherings and rituals brings people together and has the character of social integration and unity. People of Tajikistan recognize the Oshi Palav as a part of their traditional cultural heritage and call that as "King of meals". There are many stories, legends, folksongs, proverbs and other folklore texts regarding the element, which show the importance of the element among people. Also the element created many kinds of folk dance with plate, imitating the Oshi Palav cooking, which are played by folklore dance groups.

Tajikistan 2016

A few islands in Fiji and the Pacific are said to have submerged in the last hundred to thousand years ago. The island of Vuniivilevu is believed to have submerged in the year AD1200 in the Motoriki waters, Lomaiviti (2005). It is one of the islands that is regarded to have been inhabited first before other settlers arrived. Early migrants were said to be tall, muscular and tough and this could be proven with the skeleton that was found in Naturuku, Motoriki in 2002. What was also remarkable about this skeleton was the excellent state of preservation of the skull. It was of a female who would’ve been tall, muscular and tough and was believed to have lived in Motoriki around 800BC (2007). The abrupt collapse of Vuniivilevu would’ve generated waves to nearby islands and one such example is the waves rushing up the valley from Bureta which saw the presence of sea-fish in pristine freshwater rivers. Their ancestor god Rakavono then speared a turtle, a shark, and a ray, all of which immediately turned to stone and can still be seen there, at a deep place in the river called Muloi, near Nasaumatua village, Lovoni, close to the center of Ovalau. When passing through the Davetalevu passage, travelers are forbidden to make noise, and to throw rubbish into the ocean in respect of the sunken island. Certain people who have disturbed the peace at the Davetalevu passage had their boat capsized and are now buried at Uluibau village in Motoriki. A considerably large number of people in Fiji came from Vuniivilevu and dispersed when the island submerged. This includes the villages of Uluibau, Nasauvuki in Motoriki (Rokowaqa, n.d. 1926; Rakadragi, 1979; Draunidalo, 1990; Vulava, 1996); Tuatua village in Koro, the chiefs of Vuna in Taveuni (Rakadragi, 1979); Navure clan in Sawaieke and a group of people in Vadravadra, Gau (Vulava 1996); and also the village of Naimalavau (Vulava 1996). Some reached as far as Kadavu.

Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.

It is a customary social and cultural practice related with Pyongyang Raengmyon (cold noodle), on various meaningful occasions such as weddings, birthdays and holidays. Pyongyang Raengmyon is served in a brass bowl. The main ingredient is buckwheat regarded as conducive to health. The noodle strips are topped by trimmings of meats, Kimchi, vegetables, fruits and garnishing. Cool meat stock or Tongchimi (watery radish Kimchi) juice is poured around noodle strips to finish the preparation. There are certain knowledge and skills related to Raengmyon's taste and form. A historical record praising noodle in the 12th century reflects its development well before that time. Pyongyang Raengmyon is a special folk food deeply rooted in the life of Pyongyangites expressing long life, happiness, hospitality, convivial and friendly atmosphere. A day before Jongwoldaeborum (one of Korean folk holidays in winter), family members or neighbourhood would together enjoy noodles hoping their life to be as long as the noodle strips. At celebrations like birthdays and weddings, Pyongyangites serve it to elders, relatives, neighbours and friends coming with blessings, and share happy and delightful moments of life in a convivial and friendly atmosphere, fostering respect, intimacy and harmonious unity. Housewives make Raengmyon with great pleasure and devotion. To have some liquor before Raengmyon is a customary practice even set as a phrase "Sonjuhumyon". Expressing the common wish and aspiration of people, today, the element is practised and spreading beyond special occasions and regional differences along with establishment of scores of Pyongyang Raengmyon restaurants like Okryu Restaurant.

North Korea 2022

In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.

The Ceremonial Drums is a musical instrument and a sacred object in the cultural life of the Mong people in Lao Cai and is only used when someone dies - to send off the soul of the deceased. People call this drum a Ceremonial Drums or a ghost drum. The Mong people in Muong Khuong explain the origin of the drum through ancient stories such as: The drum saved the lives of two Mong brothers in the great flood, or the legend of the Drum and the Khen girl. Ceremonial Drums are made by the people themselves for the purpose of serving the religious needs of the family and the community, not for sale or exchange. Each family in the village has the obligation to contribute money to buy materials to make the drum. The "care and maintenance" of the Ceremonial Drums is mainly carried out in the form of father to son. The Drums owner must perform a worship ceremony before carrying the drum home, then worship the drum on the first day of the month, along with the occasion of worshiping ancestors. When lending a drum for a funeral, all the borrowing and lending rituals must be followed: regulations for the borrower, returner, pouring wine, presentation, the drum owner talking to the drum before handing it over... The Drums was born and exists in close association with the Khèn Mông. The Khèn is the instrument of life, of love, and the drum is the instrument of death. The Drums and Khèn pair are indispensable in funeral music. For the Mong people, the sound of the drum is chosen as the music of the underworld. The elderly choose the drum to be used in their funeral. The Drums has become a sacred object, helping to send the soul of the deceased back to their ancestors. The Drums in the Mong people's rituals is closely associated with folk beliefs, carrying many historical and musical values, reflecting the relationship between the living and the dead. The Ceremonial Drums of the Mong people is still closely associated with their lives and beliefs.

The people of Qoma Island (Fiji) for generations have been traditional fisherfolk for the Ratu mai Verata, the overlord of Verata, an ancient kingdom in today’s Tailevu province. They also serve the Ratu mai Dawasamu and are administratively under the Ratu of Namena with the present system of provincial administration. All come under today’s Tailevu province on eastern mainland Vitilevu. They are renown for their traditional knowledge of fishing in observing the ocean currents, wind direction, the sky, understanding their fishing zones, the seasonal and temporal nature of fishing activities. It is their traditional obligation to present turtle to the chiefs of Verata and Dawasamu. There are established traditional protocols; from catching turtle to its presentation process, its taboos and strict adherence to elders who will be leading the delegation.

Ranking with Nô and Kabuki as one of Japan’s foremost stage arts, the Ningyo Johruri Bunraku puppet theatre is a blend of sung narrative, instrumental accompaniment and puppet drama. This theatrical form emerged during the early Edo period (ca. 1600) when puppetry was coupled with Johruri, a popular fifteenth-century narrative genre. The plots related in this new form of puppet theatre derived from two principal sources: historical plays set in feudal times (Jidaimono) and contemporary dramas exploring the conflict between affairs of the heart and social obligation (Sewamono). Ningyo Johruri had adopted its characteristic staging style by the mid eighteenth century. Three puppeteers, visible to the audience, manipulate large articulated puppets on the stage behind a waist high screen. From a projecting elevated platform (yuka), the narrator (tayu) recounts the action while a musician provides musical accompaniment on the three-stringed spike lute (shamisen). The tayu plays all the characters, both male and female, and uses different voices and intonations to suit each role and situation. Although the tayu “reads” from a scripted text, there is ample room for improvisation. The three puppeteers must carefully co-ordinate their movements to ensure that the puppet’s gestures and attitudes appear realistic. The puppets, replete with elaborate costumes and individualized facial expressions, are handcrafted by master puppet makers. The genre acquired its present full name Ningyo Johruri Bunraku – in the late nineteenth century, a period in which the Bunrakuza was a leading theatre. Today, the pre-eminent venue is the National Bunraku Theatre in Osaka, but its highly reputed troupe also performs in Tokyo and regional theatres. Approximately 160 works out of the 700 plays written during the Edo period have remained in today’s repertory. Performances, once lasting the entire day, have been shortened from the original six to two or three acts. Ningyo Johruri Bunraku was designated Important Intangible Cultural Property in 1955. Nowadays, it attracts numerous young performers, and the aesthetic qualities and dramatic content of the plays continue to appeal to modern audiences.

Japan 2008