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performance
ICH Elements 275
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Khaen music of the Lao people
The khaen is a mouth organ in which each tube has a reed. It looks like panpipes, but with bamboo (previously rice stalks or sometimes other plants) tubes of variable length, each with a metal reed. One blows into it through an air chamber called ‘marqunamdtow’. The sound produced is higher or lower depending on the size of the tube. It is a favourite instrument used in Lao traditional and folk music. Its design and number of tubes have evolved according to the changes in Lao folk melodies and songs. Today there are three kinds: the khaen 6 (12 tubes), the khaen 7 (14 tubes) and the most successful one, the khaen 8 (16 tubes). The khaen is very popular in all regions and communities of Laos due to its music’s richness and abundance, which represents the nation's soul for its population. The instrument is suitable for melodies and harmonic richness since it can produce several sounds simultaneously, like a piano. Its music is customarily part of numerous village festivals, accompanying traditional songs and dances. It symbolizes popular culture and it is customary for all villagers who listen to it to become actors rather than spectators, by participating actively and joyfully in the songs and dances it offers.
Lao People's Democratic Republic 2017 -
Mevlevi Sema ceremony
The Mevleviye is an ascetic Sufi order founded in 1273 in Konya, from where it gradually spread throughout the Ottoman Empire. Today, the Mevleviye can be found in many Turkish communities throughout the world, but the most active and famous centres of the order’s activity are in Konya and Istanbul. The Mevleviye are renowned for their whirling dances. Following a recommended fast of several hours, the whirlers begin to rotate on their left feet in short twists, using the right foot to drive their bodies around the left foot. The body of the whirler is meant to be supple, with eyes open but unfocused so that images become blurred and flowing. At their dancing ceremonies, or Sema, a particular musical repertoire called ay›n is played. Based on four sections of both vocal and instrumental compositions, it is performed by at least one singer, a flute-player, called neyzen, a kettledrummer and a cymbal player. Dancers used to receive 1,001 days of reclusive training within the mevlevi-houses (mevlevihane), where they learned about ethics, codes of behaviour and beliefs by practising prayer, religious music, poetry and dance. After this training, they remained members of the order but returned to their work and families. As a result of secularization policies, all mevlevihane were closed in 1925.The Turkish government began to allow performances again, though only in public, in the 1950s, restrictions were eased in the 1990s. Some private groups are re-establishing the original spiritual and intimate character of the Sema ceremony. However, over the thirty years the tradition was practised clandestinely, transmission focused rather on music and songs than on spiritual and religious traditions, which has deprived performances of part of their religious significance. Consequently, many sema ceremonies are no longer performed in their traditional context but for tourist audiences, and have been shortened and simplified to meet commercial requirements.
Turkey 2008 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Pansori epic chant
Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2003) Pansori is a genre of musical storytelling performed by a vocalist and a drummer.This popular tradition, characterized by expressive singing, stylized speech, a repertory of narratives and gesture, embraces both elite and folk culture. During performances lasting up to eight hours, a male or female singer, accompanied by a single barrel drum, improvises on texts that combine rural and erudite literary expressions. The term Pansori is derived from the Korean words pan, meaning “a place where many people gather”, and sori meaning “song”. Pansori originated in south-west Korea in the seventeenth century, probably as a new expression of the narrative songs of shamans. It remained an oral tradition among the common people until the late nineteenth century, by which time it acquired more sophisticated literary content and enjoyed considerable popularity among the urban elite. The settings, characters and situations that make up the Pansori universe are rooted in the Korea of the Joseon period (1392-1910). Pansori singers undergo long and rigorous training to master the wide range of distinct vocal timbres and to memorize the complex repertories. Many virtuosos have developed personal interpretive styles and are renowned for their particular manner of performing specific episodes.
South Korea 2003 -
Namsadang Nori
Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Traditionally, the Namsadang troupes didn’t settle in one place but traveled around, performing their repertoire mostly for grassroots audiences. The only extant group today was originally based in a neighborhood near Cheongnyongsa, a Buddhist temple in Seoun-myeon, Anseong City, Gyeonggi-do Province. Until the early 20th century, this group traveled from village to village around the central district of Korea and sometimes farther to Manchuria in northeastern China. Through its active itinerant performances the group influenced folk entertainment, masked dance plays and seasonal games in various regions. The wandering entertainers lived on small earnings from their shows, usually staying in Buddhist temples. They sold amulets made by monks and donated part of their income to host temples. A Namsadang troupe needs some 40-50 male performers to present its full repertoire. Under the kkokdusoe, literally the “head actor”, the troupe has a planner (gombaengisoe), stage manager (ddeunsoe), actors (gayeol), apprentices (ppiri), elderly seniors (jeoseungpae), errand runners (jan simbureumkkun) and porters (deungjimkkun). They have a strict hierarchy and apprenticeship to hand down their skills from generation to generation. The six acts of their program may be explained as follows: • Farmers’ Band Music (Pungmul): The farmers’ music played by the current Namsadang troupe originated in Gyeonggi and Chungcheong provinces in central Korea. It consists of a road parade and individual skill demonstrations. • Mask Dance Play (Deotboegi): Thirteen actors appear in four scenes – the ground purifier, the episode of scabies sufferer, the episode of feeble-minded scholar, and the episode of black monk. • Tightrope Walking (Eoreum): An acrobat performs a variety of feats on a tight rope between humorous exchanges with a clown on the ground. The rope is some 9-10 meters long and 2.5 meters high. Kwon Won-tae of the present Namsadang group can perform 17 kinds of feats. • Puppet Play (Deolmi): A total of 51 puppets in 31 kinds appear in this play with two acts and seven scenes. The stage is set up with black curtains, some 1.2 meters above ground. Puppeteers manipulate the puppets from behind the curtain, exchanging dialogue with a narrator seated in front of the stage along with musicians. The play consists of the Act of Old Man Park and the Act of Pyongyang Governor. The Act of Old Man Park has four scenes -- Old Man Park Goes on Sightseeing; Pijori (Park’s niece); Kkokdu Gaksi (Park’s wife); Isimi (python). The Act of Pyongyang Governor has three scenes -- Falconing, Pallbearing and Temple Building. • Acrobatics (Salpan): This act has a variety of breathtaking feats performed on the ground. • Sieve Frame Spinning (Beona): An acrobat displays intricate skills for spinning and tossing a sieve frame using a wooden stick some 40cm long. Sometimes he uses a tobacco pipe, a knife or a small reel, or an impromptu device combining these tools. Among the six acts of Namsadang Nori, the mask dance and puppet plays are particularly worthy of note for their explicit social messages. Characters in these humorous plays represent typical Koreans from different social classes, such as an aristocratic master and a defiant servant, an old couple and a concubine, Buddhist monks indulging in worldly pleasures, and the masses suffering from unending suppression and exploitation. These dramas were not simply designed to offer entertainment but also raise issues on behalf of the grassroots who had no means to voice their opinion. They were intended to imbue hopes for freedom and equality in the hearts of their commoner audience under yokes of class distinction. Through humorous depiction of women’s lives in a male-dominated society they also manifested the ideal of gender equality and human dignity. The masks and puppets symbolically express the reality faced by each character. The pains and sorrows in their hearts are soothed and even fears of death are overcome with cheerful plays. Namsadang plays thus advocated the ideas of freedom and equality through witty and humorous dialogue and symbolic dances and gestures. They spoke for the desires of Korean grassroots to pursue a beautiful and dignified life even though they had to accept the limitations of reality. These themes will be easily understood and earn sympathy from audiences around the world. The plays feature many silent characters, as well as abundant gestures and dances, facilitating easier communication and active audience participation beyond language barriers. The Namsadang troupes typically were performed in round outdoor spaces surrounded by crowds except the entrance and exit paths. The performing arenas, therefore, were open to everyone. The wandering entertainers held rites to pray for peace and fertility, playing loud and pleasant music, in every village they dropped in. They entertained the villagers with exciting programs of music, drama, dances and acrobatics, offering joyful moments to the oppressed commoners and boosting their morale. Namsadang Nori possesses intrinsic value as a content source for contemporary cultural creation. With a history spanning 1,500 years at the least, this integrated folk repertoire represents traditional Korean performing arts in broad genres. Its content will be actively utilized in various cultural genres in the years ahead. In this context, the recent hit movie “The King and the Clown” (2005) deftly proved such potential. The movie featured tightrope walking, farmers’ band, mask dance drama and puppet play in a number of scenes. Its two lead characters are wandering entertainers who happen to drift into the royal court. The movie’s phenomenal success has inspired many artists to employ motifs from the Namsadang repertory.
South Korea 2009 -
Nongak, community band music, dance and rituals in the Republic of Korea
Inscribed in 2014 (9.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nongak is a fusion performing art genre that combines a percussion ensemble (with occasional use of wind instruments), parading, dancing, drama, and acrobatic feats. It has been practiced for various purposes, such as appeasing gods, chasing evil spirits and seeking blessings, praying for a rich harvest in spring, celebrating the harvest at autumn festivals, fund-raising for community projects, and professional entertainment. Any joyful community event was never complete without uproarious music and dance performed by the local band clad in colorful costumes. The resultant ecstatic excitement (sinmyeong) is often defined as a preeminent emotional characteristic of Korean people. The music frequently uses uneven beats of complex structures like simple three-time, compound time, and simple and compound time. Small hand-held gongs and hourglass drums, with their metal and leather sounds, play the main beats, while large gongs and barrel drums create simple rhythmic accents. The small hand-held drum players focus more on dancing than playing music. Dancing includes individual skill demonstrations, choreographic formations, and streamer dances. Actors wearing masks and peculiar outfits perform funny skits. Acrobatics include dish spinning and miming antics by child dancers carried on the shoulders of adult performers. Nongak was most often performed and enjoyed by grassroots people, but there were also professional groups putting on entertainment shows. In recent years, professional repertoires have evolved into the percussion quartet “Samul Nori” and the non-verbal theatrical show “Nanta,” dramatically emphasizing the music element and thereby appealing to broader audiences at home and from abroad.
South Korea 2014 -
Laf (Hyperbole)
Laf or hyperbola is an excessive exaggeration of any qualities or properties, phenomena, processes in order to create a vivid and impressive image. This is often found in oral folk work, for example, dastans and myths. In Uzbeks, this can also be seen in everyday life. In fiction, they are used to strengthen expressiveness, create a figurative characteristic of the hero, a vivid and individual idea of him.
Uzbekistan -
Spectacular art
Spectacular art is ancient form of folk theatre. Its roots are to be found in the shows of tribal times. It existed before and can be seen now, and it embodies and reflects themes in folk life. Notably, the word "oyin" ("game", 'dance") has been long associated with this art for. Almost all types and forms of professional folk spectacular arts (such as performances and shows by maskharaboz, qiziqchi (actors, clowns), raqqos (dancers), dorboz (rope walkers), nayrangboz (illuzionists), mullakchi (acrobats), chavandoz (horsemen), yogoch oyoq (stilt walkers), ayiq, echki, ilon, maymun oynatish (tamers of bears, goats, monkeys and snakes), askiyaboz (wisecrackers), qogirchoqboz (puppeteers)) were called with a single word – "oyin", while their performers – "oyinchi" (the ones, who perform this activity).
Uzbekistan -
Rope walking and under-rope performances
Rope walking and under-rope performances are a genre of folk-spectacular art and have deep history. Some written sources testify that in the palace of Amir Temur magnificent performances were staged with participation of ropewalkers. There is also information that Uzbek ropewalkers demonstrated in the past (i.e. in XVIII- XIX centuries) their skills in China, India, Afghanistan, Iran, Russia and other countries. But with a lapse of time rope walking developed significantly, so that ropes began to be mounted on a much higher height. Later rope walking began to be performed in circus arenas and became an integral part of circus art. Notably, the performances of ropewalkers were always combined with those of polvons (strongmen), illusionists, dancers, qiziqchi and askiyachi (comedians and wisecrackers) as well as with traditional circus-related performances (such as walking on stilts, tricks, acrobatics, equilibristic, legerdemain; tamed bears, snakes, monkeys, horses, goats, etc.).
Uzbekistan -
Orteke - Kazakh traditional art of music puppetry
Orteke (mountain goat) is the name of an indigenous Kazakh performing art in which flexible wooden figure of a mountain goat is placed on a traditional drum called dauylpaz. Orteke’s originality comes from it being a combination of theater, music, and puppet dance. The figure begins to move from the movement of the filaments attached to the fingers of a musician playing the dombra (Kazakh musical instrument). The expressive puppet figure, called teke (goat), seems to come to life when the master starts playing the drum. The figure makes funny dance movements in time with the rhythm of the music being played. It is also said that the orteke figure once came different shapes and sizes that were created individually, each with a different number of moving limbs, depending on which kyu was performed. Some masters of this genre can be played with two or three or more puppets simultaneously.
Kazakhstan -
Shashmaqom music
Shashmaqam (means the six Maqams (modes)) is a Central Asian musical genre (typical of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) which firstly developed in Bukhara. Shashmaqom (in Farsi - "Six maqoms") is a leading musical-cyclic genre of musical heritage of Uzbek and Tajik people. It includes a cycle of complex and perfect instrumental as well as vocal compositions encompassing different types of melos, forms, usuls (rhythmic formulae) and performances. Shashmaqom is a cycle consisting of six maqoms, namely Buzruk, Rost, Navo, Dugoh, Segoh and Iroq. Each of these consists of two parts respectively, i.e. instrumental one (which is called "Mushkilot") and vocal one (which is called "Nasr"), representing more than 250 cycles of instrumental and vocal compositions in total. Shashmaqom got formed in urban environment, and its bearers of traditions were well-known musicians and singers. Its vocal part was performed in Uzbek and Tajik languages. The texts were mainly taken from the poems of classics of oriental poetry (i.e. Rudaki, Jami, Lutfi, Navoi, Babur, Khafiz, Fizuli, Amiri, Nodira, Zebuniso, Ogahiy and others) and were dedicated to love-related, lyrical, philosophical, didactic, religious themes. Folk poetry examples were also used. Most widely used musical instrument was tanbur. It is based on tuning tanbur that the tonal basis of maqoms emerged. Instrumental part of each maqom included instrumental compositions such as "Tasnif", "Tarje", "Gardun", "Mukhammas" and "Sakil", performed either solo or by instrumental ensemble. However, each part differed with its own tune, character of melody, structure and usuls of doira. Vocal parts are considered the most difficult and complete ones in terms of structure, melos and form and are divided into two cycles (shuba): the first one includes "Sarakhbor", "Talqin", "Nasr" and "Ufar", performed by leading singer - hofiz (their melodies are more developed, of great range and complex form). Between main parts "Tarona" was sung by vocal ensemble as a connecting one (it is a small vocal piece, which has its own tunes, feature and forms). The second cycle (shuba) includes five-part cycles "Moghulcha" and "Savt" (except maqom "Iroq"). In addition to main parts, each maqom incorporates additional compositions: instrumental one (naghma, peshrav, samoyi, hafif), and vocal one (uzzol, ushshoq, bayot, chorgoh, nasrullo, oraz, khusayniy, navrozi sabo, khoro and ajam), the creators of which were bastakors (creators of oral musical tradition). Shashmaqom got formed, has been preserved, mastered and transmitted from generation to generation verbally, based on "Ustoz-shogird" ("master-apprentice") method of learning.
Tajikistan,Uzbekistan 2008 -
The Worship of Hùng Kings in Phú Thọ
The Việt people in Phú Thọ province have been practicing and trasmitting the worship of Hùng Kings whose father named Lạc Long Quân and mother named Âu Cơ for a very long time. The legend has become a strong belief of the country’s origin in the Việt people’s mentality for centuries. Dynasties of Great Việt attached great importance to the worship of Hùng Kings and offerred imperial conferments to villages worshiping Hùng Kings in temples and shrines. The worship of Hùng Kings has created many legends of wharves, rivers, fields, rice plants, land and other unique cultural creativity. Part of cultural creativity is reenacted in annual worship performed at communal houses, temples and shrines in villages. Communities make offerings of rice – based delicacies such as square cakes and glutinous cakes dedicated to Hùng Kings. Legend has it that, Lang Liêu who later became the seventh Hùng King made these two types of cakes by himself. They represent the heaven and the earth as well as the filial piety of the children for the parents. These two offerings are indispensable in the worship of Hùng Kings. Offerings dedicated to Hùng Kings at temples and shrines by villagers usually last for a few days: offerings by families first and then by the whole community. The tablets of Hùng Kings are proccessed throughout the villages and the rice fields, which implies that Hùng Kings may witness today’s lives of villagers and offer good weather, abundant harvests, good luck and good health to villagers, plants and animals. Offerings conducted by villagers at temples, communal houses, and shrines is supposed to be the most sacred moments when the respect and gratitude of communities dedicated to Hùng Kings are expressed.
Viet Nam 2012