The Xinjiang Uyghur Muqam is the general term for a variety of Muqam practices widespread among the Uyghur communities, which form one of the largest ethnic minorities of the People’s Republic of China. Throughout its history, the Xinjiang region has been marked by a high degree of cultural exchange between East and West, due in particular to its central location along the Silk Road. In Muqam ensembles, the lead instruments are made from local materials and vary in form (they may be bowed-stringed, plucked or wind instruments). The dancing skills involve unique steps, rhythms and formations as well as figures such as flower-picking-bymouth, bowl-carrying-on-head and imitation of animals in solo dances. The Xinjiang Uyghur Muqam has developed four main regional styles, namely the Twelve Muqam, Dolan Muqam, Turpan Muqam and Hami Muqam.

China 2008

Ancient Chinese divided the circle of the annual motion of the sun into 24 equal segments; each segment was called a “jie qi” or solar term. Hence the 24 segments are collectively called the Twenty-four Solar Terms. This system of time embodies the traditional knowledge and the social practices through which Chinese organize their perception of the regularity of seasons, of astronomical laws and of other local natural phenomena occurring in the course of the year. It is an indispensable component of the traditional Chinese calendrics and its living applications, serving as a time-frame for agricultural activities and daily life. In International circle of meteorology, this cognitive system has been honored as the Fifth Great Invention of China. Transmitted through generations, the element has profoundly influenced Chinese people’s way of thinking and code of conduct. Upon a specific solar term, people spontaneously arrange farming and daily routine as well as basic necessities of life. Thus this knowledge continuum of time is sustained through a variety of ritual practices and folk activities. Thereby the Twenty-four Solar Terms is an important carrier of Chinese cultural identity.

China 2016

Children's folklore is a specific area of ​oral artistic creativity, which, unlike adult folklore, has its own poetics, its own forms of existence and its bearers. The common practice of children's folklore is the relationship of the artistic text with the game. It is a kind of tool for the socialization of a child, an area of traditional folk culture, including verbal genres and forms of children's creativity, as well as adult folklore addressed to children. It has its own genre system and aesthetic specificity. Children's folklore is one of the directions of oral folk art.

The khaen is a mouth organ in which each tube has a reed. It looks like panpipes, but with bamboo (previously rice stalks or sometimes other plants) tubes of variable length, each with a metal reed. One blows into it through an air chamber called ‘marqunamdtow’. The sound produced is higher or lower depending on the size of the tube. It is a favourite instrument used in Lao traditional and folk music. Its design and number of tubes have evolved according to the changes in Lao folk melodies and songs. Today there are three kinds: the khaen 6 (12 tubes), the khaen 7 (14 tubes) and the most successful one, the khaen 8 (16 tubes). The khaen is very popular in all regions and communities of Laos due to its music’s richness and abundance, which represents the nation's soul for its population. The instrument is suitable for melodies and harmonic richness since it can produce several sounds simultaneously, like a piano. Its music is customarily part of numerous village festivals, accompanying traditional songs and dances. It symbolizes popular culture and it is customary for all villagers who listen to it to become actors rather than spectators, by participating actively and joyfully in the songs and dances it offers.

Lao People's Democratic Republic 2017

Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.

Pakistan 2018

The epic, folk and musical heritage of Dede Qorqud/ Korkyt Ata/ Dede Korkut is based on twelve heroic legends, stories and tales and 13 traditional musical compositions (in Kazakhstan, Kuys of Korkyt Ata) that have been shared and transmitted from generations to generations, through oral expressions, performing arts, cultural codes and musical compositions. The element contains social, cultural, moral values such as heroism, dialogue, physical and spiritual wellness and unity as well as respect to nature that are still maintained by all parts of society Dede Qorqud /Korkyt Ata/ Dede Korkut appears in each story as a legendary character and is a wise person, a sage of minstrels whose words, music and expressions of wisdom are related to traditions of birth, marriage and death. In Korkyt's musical compositions, the main intonations are reproduced on Kobyz (musical instrument), through the sounds of nature, and imitations of soundscapes are characteristic for this medium, e.g. imitation of the howl of a wolf, a swan's note, a horse's run, the whoosh of an arrow, a dog's yawl, a baby's cry, a lullaby, etc. The feature of Korkyt's musical compositions is their interconnection with each other through the epic stories which accompany each musical composition. The element was safeguarded due to its bearers – community of epic and tale narrators and music performers. Today, the element is transmitted in two ways: informal – within the family or community, and formal - in various educational institutions. From family events to national and international festivities the element is sustained and practiced during a wide variety of occasions in various cultural spaces and therefore it is well rooted in society. For the Turkic speaking communities, the element is the connecting thread of generations and unites them today.

Azerbaijan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2018

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

“Chogān” is a traditional horse-riding game which is accompanied by music and storytelling. In Chogān, two rider teams compete and the aim is to pass the Gūy (ball) through the opposing team’s goal posts by using a Chogān (wooden stick). The team with a higher number of goals wins the game. It is played in an open area called Meydān in several “Chukkeh”s (rounds). Chogān differs in the size of the Meydān, the number of Chukkehs and "Chogānbāzān" (players) depending on the region. The game of Chogān includes: Chogānbāzi (the main game), the corresponding musical performance and, storytelling (Naqqāli and Morshedkhāni etc.). Given that the game needs a level Meydān, several Chogān horses, and skilled Chogānbāzān, it is mostly performed in specific places and major events including Nowrouz, and other local and national occasions. The audience for the game are mostly locals, the players’ family members and people interested in this entertaining game. Chogān has more than 2000 years of history in Iran and has mostly been played in royal courts and urban fields. Because of its connection with elements like the family (players and artists), nature, horses and arts, Chogān is of paramount importance in the Iranian culture. Today, the patterns and figures related to Chogān have a strong presence in the motifs used in Iranian handicrafts, traditional miniature paintings, architectural ornaments and stone engravings as well as the Iranian literature and languages.

Iran 2017

The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.

China 2009

Knowledge and practices related to year seasons are the result of centuries-old observations of nature applied to the life. For many centuries and millennia, people carefully collected folk signs about nature. Every trifle, every natural phenomenon not even significant at first glance, could one day become a reliable harbinger of an important event in human life. Taking into account the relationship between certain natural phenomena, a person remembered them in the form of short acceptances, which over time were transmitted from father to son, from grandfather to grandson. Many of these will not lose their relevance to this day, and some have long passed into the category of superstition.

Tea culture is an essential part of social and cultural life and is an important social practice aiming to show hospitality, celebrate important moments in lives of communities and helping them to build and maintain social relationships and enjoy moments by drinking tea for social exchange and interaction. It also represents knowledge, traditions and skills linked to cultivating, preparing and drinking tea by communities in Turkey and Azerbaijan. Tea is an agricultural plant the leaves and buds of which are used to make beverage. Tea plant transforms into dried leaves after steps such as plucking, withering, disruption, oxidation and drying. Although there are different types and brewing techniques in both countries, communities harvest and consume mostly the black tea. Traditional techniques used in preparing and harvesting tea led to development of special tools and vessels such as teapots, samovars, silver tray, woven tea baskets and tea plucking shear. Communities brew tea by using a great variety of kettles, produced in traditional craftsmanship, called “çaydan” or “çaynik” in Azerbaijan, a double container called "çaydanlık" (tea pot) in Turkey and samovar in both countries. Water is boiled in the larger pot and tea leaves are added to the smallest pot. Samovar is a traditional copper, clay, metal or brass container used to heat and boil water for brewing tea in smaller teapot, which is put on samovar. This method allows people to drink tea as they desire: strong or light. In rural areas especially, communities use metal samovars or “çaydanlık” heated with wood. Tea is traditionally served in special pear-shaped cups called “armudu” (literally, “pear-like”), made from glass, porcelain, faience, and silver in Azerbaijan and similarly small tulip-shaped glass, which is called “ince belli bardak” (thin waist glass) in Turkey. Communities traditionally serve tea freshly, brewed and hot, accompanied with various sweets, pastry, sugar, slices of lemon, jams and dried fruits. In different regions of Azerbaijan, communities also add local spices and herbs to tea, such as cinnamon, ginger and thyme. There is a special style of drinking tea with sugar called “kıtlama” or “dishleme” in both countries. In this style, tea is drunk by placing a piece of sugar between tongue and chin instead of pouring sugar directly into glass.

Azerbaijan,Turkey 2022

In all submitting states, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving includes series of practices traditional knowledge, skills and crafts of the communities concerned related to growing mulberry trees, breeding silkworms, producing silk threads, for weaving and other purposes. Farmers grow mulberry trees that provide leaves upon which the worms feed, then produce silkworm eggs and ensure care of the silkworm (feeding with mulberry leaves) from the egg stage until the completion of the cocoon (turning matured silkworms to cocoons). Communities then produce silk by reeling from the silk threads, weave silk fabrics and use the fabrics in crafts. Craftspeople of both genders produce raw silk by means of raising larvae, particularly those of the domesticated silkworm to form the cocoon within which the larvae develop. The silkworm builds its cocoon by surrounding itself with a long fibre or filament. Fed by fresh mulberry leaves, silkworms start to spin their silken cocoons after 26-28 days. The whole process begins in March to September depending on the climate. The cocoons are collected before pupa pierces its cocoon and then those collected cocoons are dried. Silk containing sericin is called “raw silk”. The gummy substance is usually retained until the yarn or fabric stage and is removed by boiling the silk in soap and water. Communities then bathe cocoons which then soften and allow for the peak of the thread to be obtained. In order to obtain raw silk, several cocoons that gave the threads are put on reeling process at the same time. In order to clean up and to dry, obtained raw silk is taken from reel and hanged on the reed. In the preparation for the weaving process, people twist threads and unwind warps. After drawing-in and wimple is made ready, the weaving process begins. In order to remove cerasine fabrics, woven with raw silk yarn, people boil the fabrics in water containing soap. After boiling process, communities color and trace the fabrics by using various traditional methods. Craftspeople use the silk threads to create various types of craft products, such as fabrics, carpets. The products of silk are very much appreciated within the communities, who use them at various social and cultural occasions, including weddings, funerals and family gatherings. Deeply rooted in the traditions of the Great Silk Road, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving are an expression of cultural identity, centuries-old traditions and a symbol of social cohesion. While the silk trade has been carried out throughout the centuries, it has allowed spreading the silk culture, health and science among communities of the submitting states. In all submitting states silk functions as the symbol of splendor, elegance and spring. In all submitting states, silk producers are mostly villagers and they work cooperatively and they have special ceremonies for silk when it is produced.

Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,Iran,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022