The traditional Li textile techniques of spinning, dyeing, weaving and embroidering are employed by women of the Li ethnic group of Hainan Province, China, to make cotton, hemp and other fibres into clothing and other daily necessities. The techniques involved, including warp ikat, double-face embroidery, and single-face jacquard weaving, are passed down from mothers to daughters from early childhood through verbal instruction and personal demonstration.

China 2009

Tibetan opera, the most popular traditional opera of minority ethnic groups in China, is a comprehensive art combining folk song, dance, storytelling, chant, acrobatics and religious performance. Most popular in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau in western China, the performance begins with a prayer ceremony, including the cleansing of the stage by hunters and blessings by the elder, and concludes with another blessing. The heart of the opera is a drama narrated by a single speaker and enacted by performers supported by groups of singers, dancers and acrobats. Actors wear traditional masks of a variety of shapes and colours that contrast with their simple makeup.

China 2009

Gamelan is the percussion orchestra of Indonesia. Gamelan is a set of traditional music instruments mostly made of hand-forged metal (bronze, brass, and iron). Gamelan consist of slab-type (wilahan) instruments: saron/sarun/pemade, demung/sarun ganal, gender/kiliningan, slenthem/selentem/jegogan, peking/sarun paking/kantilan, kecrek/keprak, and gong-type (pencon) instruments: gong, kempul, kenong, bonang, trompong, kethuk, and kempyang. Other instruments, e.g., zither and seruling (bamboo flute). Gamelan instruments are played by beating (gong, saron, demung, slenthem, kecer); plucking and strumming (siter, kecapi, rebab); tapping (kendang); and blowing (flute). The pitch and tuning of gamelan are slendro and/or pelog (pentatonic and/or heptatonic), each has its own frequency and interval pattern. Lower and higher pitched instrument pairs, together, they produce Indonesian Gamelan melodies, which resonate the sound of ombak (beats) or pelayangan (vibrato). Gamelan music has its own techniques and forms, i.e., one melody performed simultaneously by the different instruments (heterophony), the technique of interlocking multiple instruments to structure their rhythms (interlocking part), and the rhythmic and metric patterns of beat and punctuation (colotomic punctuation). Gamelan is used for human life-cycle rituals and ceremonies, mental-health therapy and other purposes, e.g., to refine character, develop life skills, increase study concentration, self-confidence and motivation. As entertainment, Gamelan is performed at music concerts, theatres, and other artistic expressions. Archaeological evidence of gamelan was found in the bas-reliefs of the 8th-century Borobudur temple. Gamelan is widely known in Indonesia and abroad.

Indonesia 2021

The 'ie Samoa is a special finely hand-woven mat that is fastened at the hem with 2 rows of green and red feathers on each end, and a loose fringe on one end. Traditionally woven with fine strippings of the pandanus plant, the final product is silk-like in nature. Its shiny coppery color adds to its value as it is a testament to its age and the natural bleaching process it undergoes from the sun and seawater. The length of 'ie Samoa is traditionally 12x9 aga or handspans of the weaver. This demonstrates its high level of intricacy as each woven strand measures as little as one milimeter in width. Therefore, the production of a single 'ie Samoa can take up to several months and even years depending on the length of the fine mat. Nevertheless, the 'ie Samoa is more than a cultural product of exceptional skills, its true value is demonstrated in its use as an exchange valuable in traditional ceremonies and rituals that serve to reaffirm kinship ties and strengthen community wellbeing. More colloquially known as 'ie toga, the 'ie Samoa is displayed and exchanged at festive celebrations or important gatherings such as weddings, funerals, or religious ordinations. The giving and receiving of the 'ie Samoa contributes profoundly to the maintenance of social structure and is an integral part of the Samoan culture. As objects of the highest cultural value, this traditional art form lies at the foundation of Samoa's rich intangible cultural heritage.

Samoa 2019

The Lacquerware Making in Cát Đằng was born more than 600 years ago (from the end of the Tran Dynasty) associated with festivals to worship the village's ancestors (the founders are Mr. Ngô Đức Dũng and Mr. Ngô Ân Ba) and annual ceremonies taking place on January 14-16. Rich materials: wood, rattan, bamboo, reed... The main material is lacquer processed according to a secret recipe. It takes the craftsman a month or more to complete a product. Wooden objects for lacquer are not nailed but only use mortise and tenon joints with paint mixed with sawdust. Of all the stages, the most outstanding skills/techniques of the lacquer craft are the way of mixing paint, spraying paint, gilding gold, silver, inlaying, and drawing. These are also the most typical secrets of the Lacquerware Making in Cát Đằng. To make a product of the craft village, it is necessary to have the main materials such as: lacquer, tung oil, resin, sawdust, soil... Materials for making the core (vóc): wood, bamboo, rattan. Decorative materials: gold leaf, silver leaf, pearl shell, snail shell, egg shell, etc. Tools for making lacquer: beak, bucket, earthenware pot, etc. Tools for making lacquer: steel hair, sandpaper, whetstone, broom, curtain cloth, jackfruit leaves, xoan charcoal, tangled hair, paring knife, slotting knife, iron rod, etc. Decorative tools: cat hair pen, steel hair, slotting knife, etc. Currently, in addition to traditional lacquer materials, mainly industrial paints such as PU, cashew nuts, Japanese, etc. are used, and there are many other supporting tools such as: peeling machines, quilting machines, sharpening machines, sanding machines, paint sprayers, etc. to make bamboo patchwork products. The products of the craft village currently include two main product lines: Fine lines goods (worship items) and patchwork goods (handicrafts). Fine lines products are usually made from wood with two stages: making the frame (wooden blank, attaching, wrapping, tying, jamming, lining, giving, holding) and decorating (using silver leaf, gold leaf, mother-of-pearl, snail shell, eggshell... to inlay or paint on the product including the stages: gilding, covering. After each stage, it must be polished). Patchwork products are usually made from bamboo, rattan. To complete a patchwork lacquer product, in addition to the same process as patchwork, it must go through stages such as: soaking, drying, splitting, whittling, quilting, creating product blanks, bathing, shaving, smoothing, sanding the product, jamming, sanding, drying the product, spraying paint, and painting. Today, on the basis of inheriting the traditional Lacquerware Making craft, Cat Dang artisans have been creating and absorbing new techniques and new materials to create a variety of products to serve the needs of religious activities, decoration and consumption such as thrones, chairs, palanquins, statues, paintings, betel boxes, engagement trays, gilded lacquerware decorated at relics, tables and chairs, mother-of-pearl inlaid mahogany beds, vases, lampshades, pen holders, trays, bowls... with many rich and diverse designs, suitable for the needs of the domestic and export markets. The development of Lacquerware Making in Cát Đằng contributes to solving employment, improving local social life, building a rich and beautiful homeland. At the same time, it has gradually introduced traditional values, the quintessence of Vietnamese culture in general and Cat Dang locality in particular to the world. With the historical, cultural, artistic, usage and economic values of the heritage, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism recognized "Lacquerware Making in Cát Đằng" as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2017.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea This refers to the ritual enshrining of objects within a Buddhist statue or painting. Through this process, an inert image is animated and reborn as an object of worship. This ritual has been practiced in Korea for more than 700 years, since at least the Goryeo Dynasty. Instructions on the performance of the ritual were compiled into a book during the Joseon Dynasty with the title Josanggyeong. The practice continued through the Japanese colonial era and has been transmitted to the present. Compared to China and Japan, Korea is unique in establishing the process of interring objects in Buddhist images as a ritual. There are diverse ritualistic factors encompassed within this ritual, each of which is equipped with its own religious meaning. All these attributes were considered positively during the designation process of this element. * Jakbeop (作法): This term is commonly understood as referring to Buddhist dances like those performed in such ceremonies as Surykjae ("Water and Land Ceremony") and Yeongsanjae ("Celebration of Buddha's Sermon on Vulture Peak Mountain"). Here, however, the term denotes that the interment of objects in a Buddhist image is practiced as a ritual.

The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.

Viet Nam 2008

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013

Lạng Sơn is considered one of the cradles of Then. Then rituals are closely associated with spiritual life, so in most religious activities of the Tày and Nùng people, there are rituals such as Then to relieve drought, Then to worship the mother, Then to pray for harvest, Then to stop mourning, Then give honor, Then give thanks, etc. The person who practices the Then ritual is called Then, men are Then Tậc, and women are Mè Then. Then is a person with roots, belonging to the then family, granted identity, and has the ability to go to the divine world and communicate with the gods. Then masters must have props to practice, helping them connect with the gods, and convey wishes and aspirations to the gods, such as exorcism swords, seals, lutes, bells, fans, etc. Then ceremonies include music and singing. Master Then uses musical instruments and sings to connect with the gods. Then rituals are held in many different spaces such as in the homes of believers, in front of Master Then's Then altar, outdoors... The space to practice Then rituals depends on the nature of the Then ceremony. The time of the Then ritual also depends on the nature of the Then, some types must be performed at night (Kỳ yên), and most Then rituals are held during the day; Some types are done in one day, some are done in many days (then grant the identity, then give thanks).

Viet Nam 2019

Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).

Cấp sắc Ritual - an important ritual in the spiritual life of the Nung ethnic group. The Cấp sắc Ritual of the Nung people is a ritual for people who are capable of becoming shamans. People who are granted the title must meet many different standards (they must have morality, have social knowledge) and be loved, trusted, and recognized by everyone in the community for their maturity. Cấp sắc Ritual is an important, big event in a man's life. People who are granted the title will be allowed to participate in practicing religious ritual activities in the Nung ethnic community. According to the concept of the Nung ethnic group, only people with "roots" can be granted the title. Being granted the title means making the house and oneself proud, so the person granted the title, along with his family and clan, must prepare carefully for months in advance. The first step is to choose a good day, a good month and prepare offerings such as: goat, pig, chicken, rice, wine, white cloth, red cloth, colored paper... Each item has its own regulations on quantity, no shortage, no excess. The main priests performing the ceremony include: Taoist priests, Buddhist priests, sorcerers and assistant priests. The beginning of the ceremony is to report to the ancestors of the family, to report to the saints, and to the heavenly officials about a major event of the family. The Buddhist priest opens the way to heaven to welcome the ancestors and ancestors of the family to attend the ceremony, to pray to dispel conflicts and bad luck for the family through small ceremonies: reporting to the ancestors, reporting to the Jade Emperor, offering gifts, and offering incense. Next are the ceremonies such as: the birth ceremony of the person receiving the ceremony, the ceremony of giving tools to disciples, the ceremony of reading the royal decree, dispelling bad luck, rewarding the army, sending off the saints, the ceremony of thanking the ancestors and the gods for supporting and allowing the priests to perform the ceremony of granting titles and giving gifts to the person receiving the titles. The most important is the birth ceremony of the Huong child (the ceremony for the person receiving the title) which begins at midnight. After the child was born, the monks held a ceremony to worship the ghosts, fed him, cut his hair, combed his hair, and pricked his head with a needle as a warning and instruction to help him understand everything. The Cấp sắc Ritual has great value in the spiritual life of the Nung ethnic group. Because the ceremony has the meaning of educating morality and personality, reminding each person to maintain a respectful and orderly lifestyle in the community and to be grateful to their ancestors and the gods who have protected them. The Cấp sắc Ritual is like a big stage: performing various forms of singing, spirit mediumship, and performances. After receiving the Cấp sắc, the person receiving the Cấp sắc becomes a shaman. With that meaning, the Cấp sắc Ritual of the Nung ethnic group in Thai Nguyen province has been decided by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism to be listed in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

Naqqāli is an Iranian traditional theatre form, having originated in ancient Iran. This dramatic performance concerns telling of a story, history or non-history based, in a variety of genres. It is done either in verse or prose and accompanied by gestures and movements appropriate to the event related. Iran enjoys a long tradition of Naqqāli. This tradition was called “Gowsān” during Parthians (3rd BC-3rd AD). “Gowsān”s (the reciters) acted as entertainers to both kings and ordinary people. Under the Sassanids (3rd-7th AD), Naqqāli was highly regarded at court, where it used to be called “Xonyāgari”. Following the collapse of the Sassanid, these reciters emmigrated to remote areas to keep the tradition alive. In ancient times, they used to recite narrative poems, play musical instruments, sing, and act. Naqqāli is the oldest form of dramatic performance in Iran. Historically, it has adopted itself with socio-political circumstances. Before the Sassanid(651 AD), Naqqāls were poets and musicians simultaneously. They recited stories along with playing instruments. Bārbad was the most renown Naqqāl of the Sassanid. During Ghaznavids(10th-12th AD), the Court banned musical Naqqāli. But the tradition survived in remote areas. Two important events occurred during the Safavid period (16th-18th AD): establishment of coffee-houses and applying “Parde”. Parde introduced a new style in Naqqāli, and coffee-houses became exclusive venues for Naqqāls for, at least, 300 years. Up to several decades ago, great coffee-houses hired Naqqāls. Unfortunately, the strong influence of western culture and break down of the old traditions caused a decline in popularity of coffee-houses; consequently, Naqqāl's lost their traditional audiences During the Islamic period, such reciters were known under various names; such names had their origin in the types of the repertory of the tales they recited. One example is, so called, “Shāhnāme-Xān”s, who were specialized in reciting tales from Shāhnāme, the great Persian epic by Ferdowsi. This naming style can still be traced. In addition to Persian literature, Naqqāls needed to be acquainted with expressions referring to the local culture, or the Iranian traditional/folk music. Thus, they functioned as both entertainers, and bearers of Persian literature and culture, while encouraging national cohesion. Nowadays, the language of recited narrations is not limited to Persian; these tales are allowed to be narrated in regional dialects or languages. Up to several years ago they were the most important guardians of folk-tales, ethnic- epics and Iranian folk music. Naqqāli requires considerable talent; no one can arrive at eminence in this line except men of cultivated taste and retentive memory. They must not only be acquainted with the best ancient and modern stories, but be able to change them in relation to new incidents, either heard or invented. They must also recollect the finest texts of poetry, which they may quote from. The audience are normally acquainted with the tale, so the Naqqāl requires the charm in his performance, an attractive voice quality, as well as skill in acting to captivate them. The Naqqāl is alone in performing a rich range of roles, such as those of kings, queens, warriors, princesses, beggars, etc, convincingly. He is even a master in producing sound effects, including horse galloping, fencing ,etc. Master Naqqāls, even, are well equipped with a knowledge of Iranian sports, while they recite skills in wrestling and fencing, among others. There are two groups of practitioners, the Professional and the Seasonal. They may perform in coffee-houses, tents of nomads, houses, and historical places like ancient caravanserais. The Professionals, who are few in number now, earn their living from Naqqāli; seasonals have other occupations, too. Nowadays, professional Naqqāls are mostly invited for official ceremonies sponsored by municipalities or governmental institutes. Seasonal Naqqāls mostly perform in regional ceremonies like wedding parties, or even mourning ceremonies. However, both groups have been invited for Iranian Ritual-Traditional Theatre Festivals since the very beginning of its establishment. Naqqāls, especially Morsheds (master Naqqāls), wear costumes reminiscent of Dervishes cloths. They may, even, use ancient helmets, or armoured jackets in the middle of the performance, to create a sense of reality for the battle scenes. Their multifunctional canes may represent a wide range of motifs, including a beautiful beloved, a horse, a sword, etc. “Parde”, used by some Naqqāls, is a painted curtain in the Coffee-House-Style. Having preserved all the logical, religious and traditional styles, it has flourished as a sign of respect for popular beliefs. The painters have been messengers of light and impossible dreams. Due to the fact that this unique theatrical performance always presents one of the deepest and genuine layers of the national Iranian culture, its protection will definitely serve to safeguard the national and historical roots of it. Besides, it can be a source of inspiration for literary figures and artists all around the world. Every form of art is a unique language faciliating peaceful communication among different cultures. In this regard, Naqqāli should be considered as an international heirtage in urgent need for safeguarding.

Iran 2011