There are various types of performed singing genres. Love songs is the most spread mass genre of singing art of the Kyrgyz. Love songs reflect not only moral and aesthetic worldview of the people, but love of native land as well. Their lyrics are often built on comparisons of images of nature and a loved one. They praise the beauty of surrounding world and motherland. Edification-songs represent other genre of the Kyrgyz folk singing. They reflect philosophical views about human character, family relations, society and peace, and contain catchwords and conclusions about natural phenomena. They are often sung during celebrations of important life events. Lyrical songs may be performed without accompaniment or with accompaniment of komuz or accordion. They sound more often without accompaniment during traditional and family celebrations of so called oturush, and sherine, as well as during folk song contests such as sarmerden and yr kese (singing chalice). No repertoire of folk singers (yrchy) is complete without lyrical songs. Ceremonial songs of the Kyrgyz, first of all, are connected with celebrations of various events. They have a solemn character and are performed with musical accompaniment. So, for example, toi bashtar (wedding song or feast song) marks the beginning of a wedding celebration or jubilee celebration, and jar-jar is the song of a greeting of groom and bride. There are ceremonial songs that are performed without musical accompaniment. It concerns the lamentation song performed by the bride’s mother at a dramatic moment of the wedding, when the bride leaves her parents’ house; or the lullabies that are performed during of the ceremony of encradling the newborn child. A vivid expression of the epic beginning of Kyrgyz folklore is demonstrated in lamentation songs performed at funerals. Songs of bakhshi and dervishes are other well preserved song genres of the Kyrgyz. They are performed in the form of melodic recitatives at praising and appealing to the God, and at purification rituals. Contemplation song is one of the genres of lyrical traditions of the Kyrgyz. They are built on folk philosophy, teaching, and artistic representation of the reality, which are transmitted from generation to generation. They comprise moral principles and ethno- pedagogical views of the nation in them. Similar to the other folk song traditions, contemplation songs are presented in rhythmic and poetic form.

Ths is a system of traditional Chinese characters, keeping the original form, transcribed into Yao language. Over time, they "changed" the pronunciation and kept the original meaning of the words. This pronunciation is completely different from the Yao language used in daily life. They also received some Nom Tay and Nom Viet words that the Yao language did not have. This font can only be used by people who can read and write. This writing system was used by previous Yao intellectuals in all Yao documents, from learning books to recording days, months, poems, literature... Most of the families have tall people. All of them still keep the old books left by their fathers. These books reflect all aspects of the material and spiritual life of the Yao people in the past.

The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

Nôm Tày Writing emerged during the Mac dynasty in Cao Bang, flourished throughout the 15th and 16th centuries, and continues to this day thanks to the efforts of numerous generations of Tày intellectuals. Tày scholars recorded the Tày language, known as Tày Nôm Writing, using the Han character system. Tày Nôm Writing is a hieroglyphic writing system that originated from the Chinese letters used by the Han people residing in the North. The principles of writing Chinese characters in Tày Nôm Writing must also be followed: top first, bottom after; inside before, outside after; left first, right after; write from left to right, top to bottom (in vertical rows); use kanji to recognize semantics and characters. There are numerous variations because of the direct teaching approach and manual copying. It's also rather typical to use Sino-Vietnamese terminology while reading Tày pronunciation. Writing in Tày Nôm is done on native paper, or chỉa sla. To write with bold strokes, use a brush dipped in Chinese ink and glide the tip of the pen evenly across the paper. Poetry books, storybooks, and songbooks written by Taoist monks are recorded using Tày Nôm Writing.

Bonko is a form of Bon tradition. Bon practices existed in Bhutan in pre-Buddhist times, and were rooted in the worship of nature and the spirits or gods that inhabited it. Bonism originated in Tibet and is characteristic of animistic and shamanistic practices. The Thangka bonko is a celebration in memory of Miwo Tenpa Shenrab (Buddha of Bon), who introduced the Bon tradition to their community. The commemoration is celebrated with religious rites dedicated to and invoking the local deity Zamshingpa. Bonko literally means the practice of Bonpo, who roams the villages, teaching Bonism and blessing the people (Bon kor). Long before the arrival of Buddhism, Bon-nag was a practice that involved the sacrifice of animal life. The Bonko Thangka was a Bon-kar. Although it was a Bon practice, it did not involve animal sacrifice. In the 11th century, the first disciple of Terton (treasure discoverer) Rigzin Jatshen Nyingpo (1585–1656), Terton Dorji Lingpa (1346-1405), established Yu-tog Goenpa (monastery) and established Buddhism in the area. Later, he established his seat in the village of Zhingkana. At present, the deity Zamshingpa is pacified in the Buddhist way in Zhingkana nagtshang. And also during the Bonko, the Pazaps receive their Lha-dhar (giant prayer flag) and Tsan-dhar (deity’s flag) from the Nagtshang (manor of an aristocratic family). It is celebrated for four days, from the 13th to the 16th day of the 11th month of the Bhutanese calendar, by the villagers under Shaba Gewog. The main event is held in an open area in Thangka, locally known as Lha-chim (deity’s shrine). On the 8th day of the 11th month of the lunar calendar, the Lholinga and Jishing Bonko is held in Lholinga village. And on the 11th day of the 11th month of the lunar calendar, the Zhelngo Bonko takes place. On the 15th day, the Thangka Bonko is celebrated.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Originating from the worship of General Trần Công Bát at Cấm Temple, the Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole is held annually by the Tai people in Xuan Phuc Commune on the 15th day of the first lunar month to express gratitude to their ancestors, heaven and earth, and gods, and to pray for favorable weather, a prosperous, peaceful, and happy life. The Tai people consider this a cultural and artistic activity of the community, so everyone in the village participates in full force. This ceremony usually lasts from 1 to 3 days and nights, to satisfy the spiritual needs of all classes of people in the village. The Bông Ritual Pole is the centerpiece of the festival, symbolizing the life of the village and nature. The most unique feature of the “Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy” Festival is the singing and dancing under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Bông Ritual Pole is made of bamboo or bamboo, the Bông Ritual Pole flowers are made from mulberry trees, cassava trees, and tens of platforms with shapes of birds, animals, and production tools. Depending on the generation of the Mo family, the Bông Ritual Pole is made from 3, 5, 7 to 9 or 12 floors. Currently, the Bông Ritual Pole in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival in Roọc Răm village, Xuân Phúc commune is allowed to be 9 floors (meaning it has gone through 9 generations of Mo masters), with thousands of gerbera flowers from 30 to 40 petals. Each Bông Ritual Pole is compared by the people to a human destiny, each flower is a crop season. The festival is divided into two parts: The ceremony part is the spiritual rituals - the basic prayers told by the Mo masters about the story of establishing the village, establishing the village, praising ancestors, and those who have contributed. The person who plays the role of "God", plays the role of "Muong Troi" in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole has borrowed the "power" of the god to teach people to do good things, not to do evil, and to love each other. The festival is a system of 26-50 performances performed by Shamans or "Shaman Guests" such as: chopping wood, farming, sword dancing, sweeping the house, people playing the khene... each performance has a god from Muong Troi participating (played by the Shaman). In addition, there is also the playing of traditional musical instruments: Gongs, bamboo flutes, drums, boong bu, khene, flute; along with folk games such as: Hat khap, jumping on bamboo poles, beating mats, tug of war, throwing con... and cultural and culinary exchange. All rituals and performances take place under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole has the meaning of community consolidation, and has a high traditional education value in the community. Through this ritual, the entire life of the community is recreated, including production activities, behavioral culture, beliefs... creating a unique and distinctive cultural and artistic form. From the long-standing spiritual and cultural values, the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole of Roọc Răm cultural village, Xuan Phuc commune, Nhu Thanh district, Thanh Hoa province was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2017.

This ancient theatre form created by Malaysia’s Malay communities combines acting, vocal and instrumental music, gestures and elaborate costumes. Specific to the villages of Kelantan in northwest Malaysia, where the tradition originated, Mak Yong is performed mainly as entertainment or for ritual purposes related to healing practices. Experts believe that Mak Yong appeared well before the Islamization of the country. It was performed as a royal theatre under the direct patronage of the Kelantan Sultanate until the 1920s. Hence, the tradition was perpetuated in a rural context without forsaking the numerous refinements acquired at court, such as sophisticated costume design. A typical Mak Yong performance opens with an offering followed by dances, acting and music as well as improvised monologues and dialogues. A single story can be presented over several consecutive nights in a series of three-hour performances. In the traditional village setting, the performances are held on a temporary open stage built of wood and palm leaves. The audience sits on three sides of the stage, the fourth side being reserved for the orchestra consisting of a three-stringed spiked fiddle (rebab), a pair of doubleheaded barrel drums (gendang) and hanging knobbed gongs (tetawak). Most roles are performed by women, and the stories are based on ancient Malay folk tales peopled with royal characters, divinities and clowns. Mak Yong is also associated with rituals in which shamans attempt to heal through song, trance-dance and spirit possession.

Malaysia 2008

In the life cycle rituals of the Raglai people, the Grave-abandoning Ritual is considered the most important ritual. The Grave-abandoning Ritual is performed from the third to the fifth year. It is usually held around March and April of the solar calendar, for 3-5 days, with the meaning of farewell to the dead forever according to the Raglai people's concept. The scale of the festival is large, attracting the whole village and many other villages to participate. Depending on the economic conditions and local customs, they make it big or small. For large Grave-abandoning Ritual, there is usually a Kagor - a symbol of wealth and prosperity that the living make to give to the dead. An offering in the shape of a boat, beautifully and elaborately carved. The offerings and items used in the Grave-abandoning Ritual are usually prepared by the deceased's family months in advance, including 3 trays of offerings: Tray 1: Chicken, rice, wine, 1 pair of chopsticks; Tray 2: Pig head, boiled pig liver, boiled chicken, rice, wine, bananas...; Tray 3: Chicken, rice, wine, meat... According to custom, in the Grave-abandoning Ritual, there must be 3 shamans, symbolizing the three parts of the body: head, body, feet. The main shaman always stands in the middle of two other people, called Yanuh jalat (the person who shows the way, shows food, drinks... to the ghost). The "magic stick" (gai toah) is made from the day someone dies, and only now does Yanuh jalat use it. In addition to the ritual, the Grave-abandoning Ritual includes beating gongs, stabbing buffaloes, dancing, singing, and drinking rice wine to celebrate the soul of the deceased. This ceremony involves the contributions of everyone in the Raglai clan and community. The Raglai Grave-abandoning Ritual expresses the feelings and responsibilities of the living towards the dead, at the same time expressing gratitude to grandparents, filial piety to parents, and the close-knit relationship between the village and the neighborhood. With its typical value, the Grave-abandoning Ritual of the Raglai people in Phuoc Chien commune, Thuan Bac district, Ninh Thuan province was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Minister of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yangju Byeolsandae Nori is one of the Sandae Dogam performed by itinerary troupes based in Seoul and the capital region. Consisting of dance, pantomime, well-wishing remarks, and acrobatics, it originated about 200 years ago and came to be performed during holidays and seasonal festivals such as the Buddha’s Birthday, Dano Festival, and Chuseok (Harvest Moon Festival on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month) and during ritual prayers for rainfall. Yangju Byeolsandae Nori is known to have originated from the mask dances performed by the Sajikgol Ttakttagipae group in Seoul. Each performance consists of eight episodes, which were often preceded by a parade in which performers wearing masks would dance around a town playing music, and hold a rite consisting of prayers for the safety of its residents. The main event was essentially a satire of Korean society with 32 characters representing different social groups and stereotypes, including depraved monks, impoverished aristocrats, shamans, buffoons, servants, and commoners.

Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2003) Pansori is a genre of musical storytelling performed by a vocalist and a drummer.This popular tradition, characterized by expressive singing, stylized speech, a repertory of narratives and gesture, embraces both elite and folk culture. During performances lasting up to eight hours, a male or female singer, accompanied by a single barrel drum, improvises on texts that combine rural and erudite literary expressions. The term Pansori is derived from the Korean words pan, meaning “a place where many people gather”, and sori meaning “song”. Pansori originated in south-west Korea in the seventeenth century, probably as a new expression of the narrative songs of shamans. It remained an oral tradition among the common people until the late nineteenth century, by which time it acquired more sophisticated literary content and enjoyed considerable popularity among the urban elite. The settings, characters and situations that make up the Pansori universe are rooted in the Korea of the Joseon period (1392-1910). Pansori singers undergo long and rigorous training to master the wide range of distinct vocal timbres and to memorize the complex repertories. Many virtuosos have developed personal interpretive styles and are renowned for their particular manner of performing specific episodes.

South Korea 2003