Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

Ink or Ink making is also an art related to the art of Calligraphy and writing. Like the calligraphy pen, ink is one of the fundamental needs while undertaking any kind of writing, printing, paintings including the engraving works as it need to be either sketch or write the primary writings before actual engraving is initiated. Therefore, it is an art that a calligrapher or a xylograph printer must know how to make ink by themselves. Nag-tsha or more often Nag-tse is a general term for any types of Ink used for the aforementioned activities but also referred particularly to the normal ink i.e. the black ink. As majority of the writings are written using the black ink thus, the usage of the term dominated the verities of inks be it gold, silver, copper, turquoise or vermillion. However, if somebody make quires like, “What types of ink?” the response will be referred to a definite ink like “gold, silver, copper, turquoise, vermillion, blood and normal ink.” However, due to the massive usage of normal black ink whether it is made from sooth or other black colour ingredients for writing and printing; not only the woodblock prints but also prayer flags therefore, the term Nag-tse (black ink) have been used as a general term for an ink. As mentioned above, Ink and pen making technology evolved simultaneously with the invention of writing culture. As Bhutan highly regards Guru Padmasambhava and Denmang Tsemang (?) one of his principal disciples who transcribed the teachings and gave the scripture for the practice of King Sindhu Raja and later said to be hidden as treasure in early 9th century. Later in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) resumed the writing tradition along with pen and ink making to decipher the treasure document mentioned as Shog-ser and also for woodblock printing purpose. The tradition met its thriving period in the 17th during Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal’s (1594-1651) reign after he instituted the State Government by established the Monastic Body and introduced the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) where monks learnt the art of calligraphy and ink making as well. Ink making was not only or writing but also required for making xylograph prints from the woodblocks stored in the respective Monastic Institutions esp. in the Dzongs (Fortress). Thereafter, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs which is still surviving at a very small space due to the availability of modern inks from the market.

Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in Buddhist communities, the tradition descends from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide’. Varsavasa is the Sanskrit term for Yarney, and like the Chokey term it is rather literal: varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence.’ The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney. The origin of Yarney practice can be traced back to the historical Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and depended solely on alms for their sustenance. However, the summer’s monsoon rains presented a number of obstacles to Lord Buddha and his Sangha Buddhist community to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours. Not only is it unhealthy and uncomfortable to be unhoused in the rains, but the nurturing rains bring forth insects and worms who inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. At that time the Tirthikas non-Buddhist critiques of Buddha Gautama would criticize the practice of alms round, reasoning that walking for alms especially during the summer killed several animals and insects. So to keep from crushing insects or young crops in their tender state; and avoid the health hazards of the monsoon rains, flooding, and displaced wildlife, the Buddha established the rainy seasons as a time for retreat. This is codified in the Vinaya rules for the monastic community. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places, most often monasteries, each summer or venture to a specific rainy season retreat. For the monasteries, the place Sangha members observe Yarney must be conducive to spiritual and mental development. One of the main objects of observing Yarney is to set aside time to practice meditation outside the schedule of preaching the Dharma to lay devotees or going on alms rounds. The period for the retreat lasts three months by the lunar calendar, usually starting in June or July and would continue until September or October. This established a formal practice of observing Yarney – Buddhist monastics using the summer or the rainy season as an opportunity to take retreat. The Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for the Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give local Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings through questions and discussions. As the tradition progressed, it became renowned as a productive period in which the sutras were said to have been written down. Thus, during Yarney monastics engage their vows; listen and contemplate lob pa thoe sam; and meditate on teachings pong wa sam tan they received from their Khenpo or abbot. During Buddha’s time, many monks and practitioners were said to have achieved the accomplished state of Arhat, non-returner, and once-returner through this deep study.

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

"Ordination” is a part of rite of passage, meaning a transition of a teenage boy to a man "adolescence." In a traditional society, women and men are separated when they are in puberty. Young women are in rite of passage called Chol Mlub while men are in pagodas ordinated as monks. Women role is to take care of household chores and men explore or trade, so they can have enough basic knowledge. Therefore, in Khmer language, people say “Buos Rean” meaning to send boys to learn lifelong skills as well. Ordination ceremony are seen in many districts and regions across the country, and here are examples of locals who perform the ordination ceremony at Wat Athvar, Wat Angkor Mol and Wat Svay Leu in the Angkor area of Siem Reap province. Ordination ceremony at the Angkor area is celebrated by retaining many ancient traditions, and it is very solemn, as many villagers attend, sometimes in dozens, and with the participation of many close relatives. In that ceremony, there are accessories for the venerable person, and the main accessories that cannot be missed are srey ban rice, rice soul, Angkor Reab. Tver tmenh tools, Popil, monk bowl, coconut slator and monk robe. Apart from this, there must be Chum for maker, musician and Khgner. Ordination can be divided into two stages. In the early stages, all the young men put on make-up and costumes in a way that they are monk nor ordinary men; men nor women and not even called them as human but a dragon (Neak in Khmer language), that is why the ceremony is called dragon ordination or (Buos Neak). During the make-up, people use turmeric powder, powder and jewelry, to transform young men to girls. In some areas, the make-up is done at the ceremony house before going to the pagoda, but in other places, such as the locals around Athvar pagoda, Angkor area, Siem Reap province, they do make up and put on costumes at pagoda. From the evening of the first day, a priest (Achar in Khmer language) and the relatives of the dragon perform a blessing ceremony to worship the Preah Ratanatray - the next task is to summon the dragon's soul and tie hand for dragon. At this point, the Achar opens a sutra called "Dragon's Soul" to read (in some areas, the dragon's soul summon ends at dawn, along with the "Sucking the dragon’s soul”. The end of this task is to rotate Popil for the dragon. Then the Achar performed Angkor Reab, measuring the flat rice using the traditional scale, with a clock, a ship, and letting all the dragons lie on the flat rice prepared by the Acha. In the early morning, the dragon has to search the flat rice which he slept on. Then the Achar prepares for teeth cleaning ceremony for the dragon. At around 7 or 8 in the morning, they started the dragon procession by leaving the pagoda and passing through the town before returning to the pagoda. Sometimes they come together and pay homage to Angkor Wat three times before going to the pagoda. During this procession (except during the procession in AngkorWat) Dragons highly praised because all people, young and old, all travel on foot, and dragons usually ride horses or even elephants. If there is a shortage of horses, the dragon is allowed to sit on a bicycle with his grandmother or sister walking in front of him. For villagers who live far from pagoda, as in the case of Svay Leu villagers, the dragon procession is carried by a bullock cart decorated with colorful flowers, and the locals can ride a bullock cart. A dragon, however, the seat of the dragon is still supreme. The procession is accompanied by Pin Peat or Chai Yam music. Before entering the pagoda, all the dragons have to do the work of “worshiping the sun at the gate of the pagoda. At Angkor Mol pagoda, the sun worship is done in front of the temple. At the end of the task, they offered three rounds of prayers to the temple. What is interesting at Angkor Mol pagoda is that when marching to the temple, the dragon rides his brother or sister. At the end of the procession, the dragon enters the temple to perform the last important task called "Oub Bacheer” which is the transition from a dragon to a monk. A monk who performs this task is called "Oub Bacheer” is a monk who has been ordinated for at least 10 years and has a deep dharma discipline. During the task, Neak has to memorize some dharma in order to reply to the monk. Last of all, is “Teak Kor Neak” it is when the dragon had to change his clothes and take off his jewelry and take over the robe of Chipor, and leave his life in this world and his home to start a monkhood in a pagoda. As already mentioned above, ordination at this time is a stage to practice self-discipline and learn various skills before living in society and starting a family. Therefore, the Cambodian society values man who was ordinated as a monk and they want him to be their son-in-law because they understand that the man is educated and skillful.

The Knowledge and Techniques of Writing on Buông Leaf of the Khmer in An Giang belong to the category of folk knowledge heritage, containing the value and content of Buddhist scriptures, also known as Buông Leaf scriptures (Xatra Slákrít). This is a rare ancient book engraved on Buông leaves, written in ancient Khmer or Balinese, which appeared in the 19th century. Buông Leaf scriptures have 4 types: Buddhist scriptures; Folk tales; Festivals, folk games; Folk teachings, showing the values of technique, aesthetics, art and have important significance in the spiritual and religious life of the Khmer people. From choosing leaves, drying leaves, processing and using black powder to highlight the letters, especially writing on leaves (or carving letters on leaves) is very elaborate. The artisan uses a pen with a sharp metal tip (called a decha) to slowly carve on the dried leaves, carving on the leaves must be done evenly. After writing, people mix soot with oil and rub it on the leaves, then wipe the surface of the leaves clean, so that the letters stand out. When all the documents are written, the pages are pierced to "close" them into a book with a wooden cover, also known as Satra. Each set of Sutras is 5 - 8cm thick, weighs 300 - 600 grams. Each set of Sutras has 4 - 10 books (volumes); each book has 20 - 60 sutra leaves; each leaf has 5 lines, with about 150 words. The content written on the leaves, in addition to copying sutras, also includes stories and lessons of high educational value to help people become good, maintain filial piety towards grandparents, parents... contributing to preserving and promoting the cultural identity of the Khmer people. With its unique values, in 2017, the Ministry of Culture - Sports and Tourism recognized "Knowledge and Techniques of Writing on Buông Leaf of the Khmer" as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Bulhwajang refers to the art of Buddhist painting or an artist who is skilled in such art. Buddhist paintings are considered objects of worship along with pagodas and Buddhist statues. Based on their forms, Buddhist paintings can be categorized as taenghwa (hanging paintings), gyeonghwa (sutra paintings), and byeokhwa (mural paintings). In particular, taenghwa are hung behind the Buddhist altar after holding a number of religious ceremonies. These hanging paintings, found at traditional temples, are the major form of Buddhist painting in Korea; the monks in charge of producing the paintings go by several names such as geumeo, hwaseung, hwasa, or hwawon. The art of Buddhist painting was formerly handed down by the holders of Dancheongjang (Ornamental Painting). Considering the differences in technique and function, however, it has now been separated from the ornamental painting to form its own category. Therefore, Buddhist painting and ornamental painting are being taught and handed down as two separate categories. The colorful ornamental paintwork at Buddhist temples and palace buildings is clearly different from Buddhist painting in purpose and expression. While it is used to decorate the walls and structural members of wooden buildings with geometric patterns and drawings, Buddhist painting refers mainly to the production of paintings, expressing Buddhist doctrine in an easy-to-understand manner.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Gakjajang refers to the skill of engraving calligraphic letters to be used for wood printing blocks or to an artisan with such a skill. The oldest existing print done with wood blocks is the Great Dharani Sutra of Immaculate and Pure Light made in the Silla Period (circa 57 BC – 935 AD), while the wood blocks of the Tripitaka Koreana, made between 1236 and 1251 during the Goryeo Period, are regarded as the most outstanding still in existence. It became common practice to use hanging boards containing engraved characters in royal palaces and temples, and even in private houses. Towards the late Joseon Period (1392-1910), this once exquisite skill went into decline, but the reliance on the traditional practice of wood block printing remained high until it was pushed aside with the introduction of modern photography and printing technology during the colonial period.

One of the most important achievements of Mongolian culture is its traditional medical treatment of domestic animals. Mongolians engaged in animal farming for many centuries and accumulated a great deal of experience that it transmitted to younger generations orally. The oriental sutra "Nei-jin" says: 'The northern country is cool and cold. Cold diseases are frequently occurred. So, they cure cold diseases by cauterizing. They cure hot diseases by bleeding. It is evident that during the Hunnu period there were two popular treatments: cauterization and bleeding. A Mongolian traditional medical treatment of the most ancient origin, which does not demand elaborate schooling, includes the Mongolian folk medical treatment of the domestic animals. Livestock breeders treat their animals (if those diseases are non-infectious) by fumigating, bathing, sweating, applying a poultice, covering with warm cloth or felt, setting bone, cauterizing, scorching, bloodletting, lancing, shaking, massaging and stinting.

Sacred texts representing the spirit, philosophy and teachings of the Buddha are chanted by the monks (Lamas) in the monasteries and villages of the Ladakh region. Buddhism in Ladakh has two sects: Mahayana - that follows the Sutra (treatise) tradition, based on the teachings of Budhha delivered in the form of public discourse; and Vajrayana - that follows a highly esoteric tradition based on the principles espoused by the Tantra practices. There are four major sects of Buddhism in Ladakh namely Nyngma, Kagyud, Shakya and Geluk. Each of these sects has several forms of chanting practised on diverse occasions as annual festivals; agrarian, life cycle healing rituals; for general well being, and to attain Buddhahood. Vajrayana Buddhism stresses the visualisation and recitation of Mantra through the practice of chanting. The chanting of Mantras is an integral part of Buddhist life in Ladakh. Buddhist Chanting is primarily practised in a group, by the monks. It is practised everyday in the monastic assembly hall as a prayer to the deities for world peace, and for personal growth of the practitioner. The villagers also patronise this tradition; they invite the monks to their homes for chanting on various occasions, such as family functions and important days in the agrarian calendar. In fact, on any given day, sounds of chanting can be heard in the villages all over Ladakh. It is a part of Ladakh’s daily life and cultural heritage. Monasteries work as the repository of knowledge and tradition, and as a channel for continuation and preservation of chanting. Buddhist chanting is highly evolved and stylised. The young monks are trained under strict and rigorous supervision of senior monks. Chanting texts are recited frequently till they are committed to memory. Thus chanting as a tradition is passed on from generation to generation as an oral practice and knowledge. The senior monks train young acolytes in the correct use of hand gestures ('mudra') that is an integral part of most chanting traditions. Bells, hand drums, flutes and the trumpets are usually used as accompaniments during chanting. They lend musicality and rhythm to the chanting. The four sects of Vajrayana Buddhism have their own different styles of chanting. Chanting styles can vary from one monastery to another, even if they belong to the same sect. In some sects, chanting is also accompanied with dance ('cham'), which is practised in the monastic courtyard. The Cham chantings of Hemis and Phyang, though they belong to the same sect of Kargyudpa, have entirely different chanting styles. The seven forms of chanting included in the dossier represent the diversity of the tradition practised in the Ladakh region. 1. Shargangrima - It is one of the most popular chanting of Gelukpa Sect. This is a eulogy recited by the Lamas as well as by the lay people in honour of Je Tzongkhapa who founded the Gelukpa sect in the 14th and 15th century. In Sargangrima, the chanters address Je Tzongkhapa as the second Budhha and celebrate him as the Son of the eastern province. 2. Nashthan Phyagzod -This chant uses musical instruments and 'mudras' (hand gestures) during chanting. It is a prayer for the 16 disciples or Arhats of the Budhha. Nashthan Phyagzod is chanted by the Lamas for all sects. The Arhats are the direct successors of the Buddha, the bearers of His teachings. The chant is a prayer to the Arhats to stay eternally on the earth for the sake of Dharma. At the end of each stanza, the chanters play drums, blow on a long flute and beat cymbals, providing a musical rhythm to the chanting. The monks symbolically offer music, dance, incense, flowers, lamps and food through 'mudras.' 3. Kunrig – This chant stresses on the internal visualisations by monks through repetitive chanting and 'mudras.' 4. Rigmachutuk – This chanting is performed by monks who dance in the courtyard of the monastery, wearing copper masks, silk robes and special shoes. It is based on two tantric texts. Rigmachutuk are the 16 fairy maidens or 'dakinis' who escort the titular Guru Padmasambhava in his Dharma missions. It is also performed during the funeral procession of senior monks. 5. Guru Mantra - This Mantra is recited by all followers of Mahayana tradition in Ladakh. This text is seen engraved on stones and metals and inscribed in flags and clothes all over this region. It is believed that this Mantra purifies the human beings of their sins. 6. Chod - It is a secret practice that is usually performed in the cemeteries. Chod requires great concentration and high meditative qualities. In this, the performer visualises that his consciousness has separated from his body, and has transformed into a deity. 7. Guhyasamaj Tantra – This chanting includes 'mudras' through which the monks emulate different missions of the Buddha. These chanting rites are performed all over Ladakh in various monasteries and villages. The nomination contains audio-visual documentation of performances conducted in strict adherence to scriptural guidelines, and under the guidance by the chief Lamas in the following monasteries. Thiksay Monastery Spituk Monastery Matho Monastery Hemis Monastery Phyang Monastery

India 2012

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Iri Hyangje Julpungnyu is a piece of instrumental music handed down in Iksan, Jeollabuk-do, depicting the scene of Shakyamuni preaching of the Lotus Sutra, at Vulture Peak, Gijjhakuta Hill. It has a cousin centered around daepungnyu (wind instruments), which differs from julpungnyu in terms of tone and instrumental composition. Iri Hyangje Julpungnyu, which originated in Iksan in 1958, is played on eight instruments (geomungo (six-stringed zither), gayageum (twelve-stringed zither), yanggeum (dulcimer), piri (flute), daegeum (bamboo flute), haegeum (two-stringed fiddle), danso (vertical notched flute), and janggo (hourglass-shaped drums). It is composed of 15 separate pieces of music.

China is the birthplace of Movable-Type Printing. In the middle of the 11th century, Bisheng invented Movable-Type Printing with clay characters. Later in the mid-12th century, Buddhist Sutra was printed with Wooden Movable-Type Printing in Western Xia Dynasty. Later, characters made of bronze and tin appeared. In the late 13th century, Wooden Movable-Type Printing became prevalent in eastern Zhejiang province and southern Anhui province, with which to print various books and genealogies of families and clans. According to the genealogical records of Wang Chaohui, one of the representative bearers of the Movable-Type Printing technique, as early as in the beginning of the 14th century his ancestor Wang Famao began compiling and printing genealogies for local people. From then on, this printing craftsmanship has been handed down by words of mouth from generations to generations through the family ties. From the relevant historical written records and the genealogies printed with Wooden characters preserved in the family for hundreds of years, we can learn that this printing technique has been inherited in Wang’s family continuously in 25 generations for nearly 700 years. In history, Wenzhou and its neighbouring areas of southeast Zhejiang province and northern Fujian province were typical immigrant society. According to the statistics of ‘Drafts of the General History of Zhejiang Recompiled’ of Republic of China, 141 clans had immigrated to Rui’an since the 10th century A.D. Referring to the 2003 issue of ‘Chronicles of Rui’an’, of presently 209 surnames in modern Rui’an, 178 are immigrated from other places. Wenzhou is also famous for its overseas Chinese population. At present, it has more than 430000 overseas Chinese all over the world. Consequently, whatever the origin, whether they were immigrated in past times, or in modern times, or emigrated abroad in all corners of the world, the people of Rui’an are affectionately attached to their homeland and have a strong traditional feeling of clans to find the roots of the families and ancestors. There is a tradition in families of the same clan living together, i.e., recompiling the genealogy of the clan to ensure that the blood lineage and family attribution can be traced no matter where the family members are. Because Wooden Movable-Type Printing is suitable for people working manually in a family, most importantly, with other factors such as easy to use, low in price, and strong traditional cultural concept, which makes it possible for the technique to be preserved and used till now. The above description demonstrates that even in face of today’s ever-developing modern printing, the traditional hand-operated printing technique can also have a certain market share, which ensures the technique to be passed on in Wang’s family from generations to generations. Up to December 2009, 11 major bearers of the Wooden Movable-Type Printing technique have been confirmed through general investigation. They are: Wang Chaohui, male, 55 (1955-12-28～), Lin Chuyin, male, 72 (1938-04-08～), Wang Chuanqiao, male, 54 (1956-08-12～), Wang Haiqiu, male, 54 (1956-02-25～), Wang Zhiren, male, 53 (1957-12-02～), Wu Kuizhao, male, 48 (1962-01-14～), Zhang Yishuo, male, 57 (1953-07-07～), Wang Chaohua, male, 56 (1954-08-16～), Pan Lijie, male, 53 (1957-07-18～), Pan Chaoliang, male, 57 (1953-09-03～), Wang Chaoxi, male, 52 (1958-08-12～), All of them have possessed a whole set of Wooden engraved Chinese characters. They complete the printing task entrusted by the clans in groups formed by either family members, relatives, or master-apprentices. In the division of labour, the representative bearer is responsible for undertaking orders and managing business. In general, men do the work of engraving characters, typesetting and printing which require higher level of techniques, while women do the work of page separating, binding, etc.

China 2010