‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

Aytim (Couplets) is a small form of performing art used mostly by mothers while speaking with babies. Couplets are quite important in bringing up good aesthetic taste in children, introducing them to good, real. This is like appeals to the baby in song form, which he will remember for life. Naturally, Aytim contributes to the formation of hearing, the recognition of sounds and rhythms. It also has a hidden connect with the mother's soul.

Shagzo or the traditional art of woodturning is an ancient art that has been passed down for generations. Shagzo is vibrantly practised in Bhutan and the master artisans are known as Shagzopa. Bhutan’s abundant and wide range of woods like tashing (Juglans regia), hashing (Taxus baccata), baashing (Picea spinulosa), tsenden shing (Cupressus corneyana), sermaling shing (Acer camphellii) and etometo (Rhododendron arboretum) have enabled the Bhutanese Shagzopa to create a variety of exquisite functional and decorative products like turned wooden bowls, cups, plates, and containers of various shapes, sizes and colours unique to Bhutan. Skilled wood turners also craft traditional hand drums that are beaten during religious ceremonies. Since Bhutanese tradition is deeply rooted in the teachings of the Buddha, use of drums and drum sticks are a part of the rituals performed everywhere. Used in all religious ceremonies and rituals, the Bhutanese traditional drum known as Nga, and the Nge-tog (drumstick) are indispensable articles found in every temple, monastery and home. An ancient instrument of musical offering, the beatings of the Nga symbolizes the subjugation of evil, indicates the fluctuation of tunes and wordings, and regulates the pace of other instruments during rituals and propitiation ceremonies.

Asanee is a wool mat made from sheep wool in its natural colour. The wool is either black or white in colour. The name has come into existence from the honorific term of Lhotshampa (Southern Bhutanese) dialect Asaan, Garaan, Garnus which means please sit down. Therefore, Asaan is a respectful term for sit and nee is a mat for sitting and Asanee is a sitting mat. The patterns are made depending on the availability of the colour of the wool. The most common pattern of the element is white background with black checks and at times the white background is bigger than the black checks. It is determined by the demand of the customers and the availability of the wool. It is rectangular in shape and used as cushion covers for diwan and sofas as well as sitting mat. The origin of the element has begun in the community of sheep bearers. The wool mat saw its existence when the economy of the community was at its minimal where they wove various products from wool for the exchange of clothes and other basic necessities of life. The community bartered the wool mat and wool blanket called Raree for basic needs like kitchen stuff and clothing. However, all the sheep rearing community did not weave the element and also they did not have the right to own and weave by certain community. The weaving of wool mat spread to those women who were interested to learn to supplement the economic status of the family. According to informant (Dil Maya Gurung), the culture of weaving Asanee had come from parts of Sikkim, However, not very sure to state the origin clearly. Knowledge of weaving Asanee has deteriorated due to the change in the life style of people as it messes up the room due to the split of the wool being carried out every corner of the house in the process of brushing, combing and spinning the wool. And the women of the day do not take interest in weaving due to long hectic yarning process. While working, the wool gets tangled with the clothes which makes untidy. More so, with the rapid economic development and changed in life styles under the dynamic leadership of our great monarchs, the sheep rearing has extinct and weaving of the element must have pass down to younger generations if the sheep rearing practice is there in Tsendagang community. The other reasons for not taking the weaving of element on board is the opening of doors to education where everyone has obtained education and decent jobs. Though weaving of Asaanee culture is not so vibrant as of today but every household have the mat which they usually use it when honourable guests visit their house.

Death is often considered as a great loss but not more than the fear incurred from the unnatural deaths; such as accidents from falling off a tree or death caused due to an encounter with wild animals as they strongly believe that death has been caused from dishonoring the deities or by evil spirits or by bad spells from somebody. They conduct very elaborate ceremonies to appease the spirit of the deceased and deities, especially the deceased with food and drinks so as to prevent misfortune to the surviving people. Lhops believe in the dual existence; that when death occurs, the soul, Se-hok, leaves the body and dwells in the emptiness for certain period and later joins the world of Sim-pu (death).

Element relates to the traditional craftsmanship of making a type of mat used as wall-hangings, tapestries or cushion-covers, ornamented with culturally defined motifs and designs using the fibre of Hana plant (Agave vera). This fibre is a substitute for the traditionally used fibre of Niyanda plant (Sansevieria zeylanica) that became scarce in the area by early 20th century. Fibre is separated by pressing the leaf against a log with a sharp-edged wooden splinter to scrape away the fleshy parts. Washed, sun-dried, and combed fibres of ivory-white colour are bundled as skeins. Warp-yarn is spun using a wooden spindle. The spinner wraps a fibre bundle around the chest over the left shoulder and spins by pulling fibre strands from the bundle. Unspun fibre strands are used as weft elements. Yarns and unspun fibre are dyed in red, yellow, and black using traditional herbal dyes made of natural materials from Dumbara valley. Motifs and designs are created using a flat narrow wooden lath with an 'eye' at one end. The weaver, squatting over the loom, passes the lath's eye-end through the warp-yarns from right to left selectively depending on the intended motif. Strands of fibre pulled from the heddles that suspend from a tripod placed over the loom are inserted into the lath's eye that is pulled back through the yarns to create the desired motif. After weaving, ends of fibre at the two narrow ends are tied together using a thread drawn through to which the fibre ends are knotted.

Sri Lanka 2021

The different species of nettle grow at different altitudes between 1200 and 3000 meters. The tradition of weaving cloth from nettle yarn, which was practiced for decades by the women of Ney village in Gangzur Gewog (block) in Lhuentse Dzongkhag (district), had once disappeared from the village. According to them, it has been more than 40 years since they saw their grandparents weaving cloth from the nettle plant. People used to make thak-pa (rope), khor-ga (bag), shing-ka (old women's clothes), pha-tsa (sacks), bra-gar (old men's clothes), etc. Nettle fabrics are still used for traditional bowstrings in different parts of the country. Nettle plants are readily available in villages, but a series of processes are required to turn them into a fine yarn. It is said that making yarn from nettle plants lost popularity after cotton became readily available. This is also because it is available as a finished product, which reduces the workload. An elderly resident from Ney, Tenzin Wangmo, tells how they use nettle fiber for weaving. She tells that they used to use a different process. First, a hole was dug in which the nettle bark and the hardwoods needed were placed to heat the stone. Then ash mixed with water was applied to the nettle bark and it was placed in the previously dug hole. The bark coated with ash and the hot stone were alternately placed in the hole and covered with thick ash to prevent the fibers from being destroyed by combustion, and kept for 2 to 3 nights. The last process was washing the fibers in a draining river by continuous beating until they were white.

In the past, plates and cups were not provided for any visitors in Bhutan. Everywhere people must travel with their own plates and cups as this is part of traditional etiquette. Usually, people bring at least two Phob (traditional wooden cups) and a To-rey (a piece of cloth) instead of a plate. The size of the To-rey must be kha-gang, which means slightly more than half a meter and slightly less than a meter, which is equivalent to a two-foot square. This size and quality of the To-rey applies to every person, regardless of status. The Phob wrapped in the To-rey is carried everywhere in the Hem-chung (Gho-pocket or hanging bag) of our Gho and Kira (traditional Bhutanese clothing). The cups come in a variety of shapes and varieties and are made of different types of grains. There are cups with silver and gold layers on the rim and inside the cups, or plain wooden cups that signify the different status of the people depending on the quality of the cup used. There are certain cups that may only be used by monks and lamas (Buddhist spiritual leaders). This is usually the La-phob (monk's cup), which does not have exquisite decorations like the Phob of common people. However, the La-phob has historically used different colors to denote different monastic titles. On formal occasions, when we sit with our legs crossed or in meditation posture, the To-rey must be able to cover the surface of our leg. It was not until the turn of the 20th century that people began to keep extra plates and cups for guests, as there had been no development until then and the country and its citizens were economically backward. This happened only when people began to import tableware into the country from abroad. Until then, people used phob (wooden cups), Dha-pa (wooden plates) and Bang-chung (hand-woven bamboo plates). Each household member owned a Dhapa or Bang-chung, at least two Phobs, and a To-rey, which served as a shawl and a cleaning cloth for the plates and cups. The plates and cups were wiped with the To-rey, which was cleaned after a few days, as there was no tradition of washing the utensils.

In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

According to our conventional wisdom, once a woman stops menstruating, and starts vomiting in the morning as well as experiencing loss of appetite, she is pregnant. Henceforth, she avoids doing any heavy work, and elders and experienced people advise her on the dos and don’ts of birthing-related subjects. Although pregnancy was socially acceptable for a woman who had a husband, there was a social stigma against unmarried pregnant women. Not only did people gossip behind their backs, but some communities even ostracised them on the pretext that their pregnancy outside marriage would cause accident or disaster to the people, animals and community, especially if they happened to pass through any restricted areas such as ladam or ridam (restriction of mountains and forests near the community and believing these sites as the abode of local deities. Restrictions these sites starts from the sowing of seeds in the field and until the harvest). Although no nasty actions are taken against unwedded pregnant women these days, they are still the subject of gossip, and social stigmatisation persists, though perhaps to a lesser degree now than is mirrored in the well-known traditional saying: "If the bastard is faced to the rocky cliff, the cliff breaks down; and, And if the bastard is faced towards the lake, the lake dries up." Although due date for the birth could not be predicted precisely, impending birth is determined based on the size of the abdomen and frequency and intensity of labour pains. As soon as childbirth seems imminent, the woman readies herself by preparing ara (distilled wine) or changkyoe (fermented rice) as well as stocking up with other nutritious foods such as meat, egg and fish. She also avoids crossing the tethers of horses, as it is believed that this will delay birth, since pregnancy in mares lasts about a year. Besides, roaming or journeying at night is strictly forbidden. When it is time, a few elderly women will be called to assist the pregnant woman, as it is also believed that it will be easy to give birth if there is an experienced woman nearby. According to the Eastern Bhutanese belief, if the woman is in protracted labour, various methods are followed to aid her in delivering the baby, such as: opening a container of fermented rice (Changkoe or phafin, also known as buchang) and serving it to her; a family member going to a cross-section of paths and stamping the ground hard three times, collecting the dust from that spot, and then rubbing it on the abdomen of the expectant woman; or her brother (phuga ajang) dresses up and covers his body with a lhiu (rain coat made from yak hair) and then, carrying a quiver and holding a bow in his right hand, he jumps across the abdomen of his sister who is lying on the bed. These are some of the popular practices claimed to have saved pregnant women from suffering further. After delivery, the child is picked up by the kindest and most gentle person present, as it is again believed that the new-born will take on the character of the person who first picks the baby up. Once the child has been picked up, its umbilical cord is cut with a sharp knife or a scissor. The child is washed with lukewarm water and welcomed by inserting a piece of butter in the mouth, placing another piece on the head, and uttering many good wishes and prayers for his/her long life. While the child is being washed, the mother awaits expulsion of the placenta. The placenta is buried in the ground, placing the umbilical cord towards the surface. However, in some cases the placenta is taken to a river and pressed under a heavy stone with the umbilical cord turned upstream. Either way, if the umbilical cord is not placed correctly, it is believed that the child will vomit. After washing, the baby is allowed to suckle at the mother’s breast either before or after expulsion of placenta, and following that ara and nutritious foods are given to the mother. However, if placental expulsion does not occur, a rundi (kind of flat rope made from bamboo, used when carrying loads on the back in Tshangla Community) is cut in half and burned. The ash is given to the mother to eat. In some cases, the cast off skin of a snake (buesop) is fed to the woman. People believe that these practices will help the body expel the retained placenta. As the birth of a child is considered impure, outsiders will avoid visiting the family for three days after the birth. After three days, where possible, a lama or tsip (astrologer, or lama who knows astrology) is invited to the house to perform a purification ritual called lhabsang and define the child’s horoscope and bestow a name. Following this, well-wishers and neighbours will visit, bringing a ceremonial scarf and a pitcher of ara, a small amount of dried meats, eggs or anything else that is considered valuable to the weak and recuperating mother. The next very important function for a child is the first cutting of hair, which can be done at any suitable time after the hair is long enough. The practice is that the first haircut is done by a brother of the child’s mother, or in some cases (for example if she has no brother), it may be done by a lama.

Inscribed in 2008 (3.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (originally proclaimed in 2005) The annual Gangneung Danoje Festival takes place in the town of Gangneung and its surroundings, situated east of the Taebaek Mountain Range on the Korean peninsula.The festival includes a shamanistic ritual on the Daegwallyeong Ridge, which pays tribute to the mountain deity and male and female tutelary deities. It encompasses traditional music and Odokddegi folk songs, the Gwanno mask drama, oral narrative poetry, and various popular pastimes. The Nanjang market, Korea’s largest outdoor marketplace, is today a major element of the festival, where local products and handicrafts are sold and contests, games and circus performances take place. The four-week long festival begins with the brewing of a sacred liquor and the Dano shamanistic rituals, in which a central role is played by a sacred tree, the sinmok, and the hwagae, a ritual object made of feathers, bells and bamboo wood. One of the specific features of the festival is the coexistence of Confucian, shamanistic and Buddhist rituals. Through the rituals devoted to the deities, the region is believed to remain unaffected by natural disasters, allowing all its residents to live in peace and prosperity. Every year, a large number of visitors attend the various ritual performances and actively participate in events such as making Danoje festival fans, brewing the sacred liquor, drawing masks for the Gwanno Mask Drama, preparing and eating Surichiwi rice crackers and washing their hair in Iris water. The Gangneung Danoje Festival enjoys immense popularity. However, cultural standardization and increased media coverage over the years have resulted in the loss of some traditional elements of the festival. In the traditional context of the festival, one of the functions has been to transcend social differences by allowing people of all social classes to participate.

South Korea 2008