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washing
ICH Elements 23
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Mibu no Hana Taue, ritual of transplanting rice in Mibu, Hiroshima
‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.
Japan 2011 -
Aytim (Couplets)
Aytim (Couplets) is a small form of performing art used mostly by mothers while speaking with babies. Couplets are quite important in bringing up good aesthetic taste in children, introducing them to good, real. This is like appeals to the baby in song form, which he will remember for life. Naturally, Aytim contributes to the formation of hearing, the recognition of sounds and rhythms. It also has a hidden connect with the mother's soul.
Uzbekistan -
Asanee: Wool Mat
Asanee is a wool mat made from sheep wool in its natural colour. The wool is either black or white in colour. The name has come into existence from the honorific term of Lhotshampa (Southern Bhutanese) dialect Asaan, Garaan, Garnus which means please sit down. Therefore, Asaan is a respectful term for sit and nee is a mat for sitting and Asanee is a sitting mat. The patterns are made depending on the availability of the colour of the wool. The most common pattern of the element is white background with black checks and at times the white background is bigger than the black checks. It is determined by the demand of the customers and the availability of the wool. It is rectangular in shape and used as cushion covers for diwan and sofas as well as sitting mat. The origin of the element has begun in the community of sheep bearers. The wool mat saw its existence when the economy of the community was at its minimal where they wove various products from wool for the exchange of clothes and other basic necessities of life. The community bartered the wool mat and wool blanket called Raree for basic needs like kitchen stuff and clothing. However, all the sheep rearing community did not weave the element and also they did not have the right to own and weave by certain community. The weaving of wool mat spread to those women who were interested to learn to supplement the economic status of the family. According to informant (Dil Maya Gurung), the culture of weaving Asanee had come from parts of Sikkim, However, not very sure to state the origin clearly. Knowledge of weaving Asanee has deteriorated due to the change in the life style of people as it messes up the room due to the split of the wool being carried out every corner of the house in the process of brushing, combing and spinning the wool. And the women of the day do not take interest in weaving due to long hectic yarning process. While working, the wool gets tangled with the clothes which makes untidy. More so, with the rapid economic development and changed in life styles under the dynamic leadership of our great monarchs, the sheep rearing has extinct and weaving of the element must have pass down to younger generations if the sheep rearing practice is there in Tsendagang community. The other reasons for not taking the weaving of element on board is the opening of doors to education where everyone has obtained education and decent jobs. Though weaving of Asaanee culture is not so vibrant as of today but every household have the mat which they usually use it when honourable guests visit their house.
Bhutan -
Death Ritual of Lhop Communities
Death is often considered as a great loss but not more than the fear incurred from the unnatural deaths; such as accidents from falling off a tree or death caused due to an encounter with wild animals as they strongly believe that death has been caused from dishonoring the deities or by evil spirits or by bad spells from somebody. They conduct very elaborate ceremonies to appease the spirit of the deceased and deities, especially the deceased with food and drinks so as to prevent misfortune to the surviving people. Lhops believe in the dual existence; that when death occurs, the soul, Se-hok, leaves the body and dwells in the emptiness for certain period and later joins the world of Sim-pu (death).
Bhutan
ICH Stakeholders 1
ICH Materials 87
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Statue washing ceremony at Tam Giang autumn festival in Trâm Khê village
Quan họ Bắc Ninh folk songs\nQuan họ Bắc Ninh folk songs that have been created and supplemented for generations, are alternating response songs between male and female singers who have resided on the two banks of the Cầu River in ancient Kinh Bắc region.\nOn September 30th, 2009, Quan họ Bắc Ninh folk songs were inscribedon the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by the Intergovernmental Committee for 2013 UNESCO Convention on Safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage, taken place in Abu Dhabi, the capital of the United Arab Emirates.\n
Viet Nam -
Usage of Phob and To-rey: Traditional plates and cups
In the past, plates and cups were not provided for any visitors in Bhutan. Everywhere people must travel with their own plates and cups as this is part of traditional etiquette. Usually, people bring at least two Phob (traditional wooden cups) and a To-rey (a piece of cloth) instead of a plate. The size of the To-rey must be kha-gang, which means slightly more than half a meter and slightly less than a meter, which is equivalent to a two-foot square. This size and quality of the To-rey applies to every person, regardless of status. The Phob wrapped in the To-rey is carried everywhere in the Hem-chung (Gho-pocket or hanging bag) of our Gho and Kira (traditional Bhutanese clothing).\n\nThe cups come in a variety of shapes and varieties and are made of different types of grains. There are cups with silver and gold layers on the rim and inside the cups, or plain wooden cups that signify the different status of the people depending on the quality of the cup used. There are certain cups that may only be used by monks and lamas (Buddhist spiritual leaders). This is usually the La-phob (monk's cup), which does not have exquisite decorations like the Phob of common people. However, the La-phob has historically used different colors to denote different monastic titles.\n\nOn formal occasions, when we sit with our legs crossed or in meditation posture, the To-rey must be able to cover the surface of our leg. It was not until the turn of the 20th century that people began to keep extra plates and cups for guests, as there had been no development until then and the country and its citizens were economically backward. This happened only when people began to import tableware into the country from abroad. Until then, people used phob (wooden cups), Dha-pa (wooden plates) and Bang-chung (hand-woven bamboo plates). Each household member owned a Dhapa or Bang-chung, at least two Phobs, and a To-rey, which served as a shawl and a cleaning cloth for the plates and cups. The plates and cups were wiped with the To-rey, which was cleaned after a few days, as there was no tradition of washing the utensils.
Bhutan
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Sample Data Ⅱ : Nagaland, Orissa Cultural Atlas of India - Development of a web-based statewide database on the cultural resources of India
The early history of the Nagas is shrouded in obscurity and many theories abound of their origin and migration. How and when they came to settle in the north‐eastern region of India is an unsettled question. \nSeveral traditions exist within the multi‐ethnic Naga communities on their origins. \nAccording to the oral traditions passed down through songs, folklore and word of mouth the Ao emerged from six stones at Long‐terok, which exists to this day near Chungliyimti, the first legendry settlement of the Ao. ‘Long’ meaning stone and ‘Terok’ six, refers to the six stones from which emerged three pairs of male and female progenitors whom the Ao claim to be their ancestors. The Ao is distinguished with two phratries –Chongli and Mongsen. The Chongli claim that the three males and females who emerged at Longtrok were Tongpok and his sister Lendina, Longpok with his sister Yongmenala and Longjakrep with his sister Elongshe. They were the first human beings who emerged at Longtrok. \nEach male member along with his sister formed the three phratries of the Chongli. \nTongpok founded the Imsong‐Pongen clan, Longpok the Longkumer clan and Longjakrep with his sister founded the Jamir clan respectively. The three siblings intermarried and through these marriages, the Ao clans came into existence and a well‐ knitted clan exogamy marriage evolved that is followed to this day.
India 2009 -
ICH Courier Vol.38 Funeral Ceremonies and New Beginnings
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 38 is 'Funeral Ceremonies and New Beginnings.'
South Korea 2019
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THE BEAUTY, WARMTH, AND HOSPITALITY OF PAGANAThe Maranao are a southern Philippine ethno-linguistic group living along the fringes of Lake Lanao in the Lanao provinces of Mindanao. The Maranao are best known for their love of beauty as shown in their ukil art, poetry—the epic Darangen, inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List—and the torogan, the grandest type of Philippine architecture.Year2016NationSouth Korea
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Preserving Uncultivated Food Resources for Food Security in Bangladesh"BeezBistar Foundation (BBF), a community action-based non-governmental organization, was formed in 2009 by development workers and researchers. “BeezBistar” means prosperity in life and peaceful and joyful relations between human beings and all other life-forms. BBF works with local communities, especially farmers, weavers, fishers, adivashi, dalit, and other marginalized and socially vulnerable people for a prosperous and healthy life. Its guiding ethical principles are non-discrimination on the grounds of caste, race, class, and gender. BBF believes in people’s capacity to transform their existing situation of poverty and become pros- perous through a mediated process of interdependent, collective, and community support and actions. The notion of BEEZ is grounded in the local and indigenous culture of the peoples of Bangladesh, as well as advanced by science and life-affirming knowledge and technologies."Year2020NationBangladesh