The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

Kyrgyz wresting ‘Kurosh’ is one of the most ancient types of wrestling of the Kyrgyz people. Athletes wear belts and white loose pants without a shirt on. Wrestlers stand one in front of another and hold each other by the belt with both hands. A wrestler must have at least one hand on the belt of his opponent during the match. One cannot grab opponent’s legs with hands but foot sweeps are allowed. The one whose thigh, body or head touches the ground first loses. If athletes fall simultaneously and it is unclear who touched the ground first – the match starts over.

The ornament adorns all the objects surrounding the Kyrgyz from the moment of birth to the end of life. Nowadays, ornaments are very popular and used not only for decorating yurts and utensils but also for festive attires, jewelry, and souvenirs. Kyrgyz gave the patterns their own names identifying them with elements of their own and surroundings in the world around them. The shape of the symbols has reached us through the ages, almost unchanged. Kyrgyz ornaments include simple geometrical symbols, floral patterns, images of animals (both living and fantastic), nature, and stylized images of people. One of the most popular patterns are: ram’s horns, which repeats the image of this animal and represents prosperity or Umai ene, winged woman with a child, a spirit that represents fertility and protects mothers and babies. There are several types of Kyrgyz ornamental patterns: 1.\tPatterns symbolizing landscapes and other natural objects and processes such as Earth, a spring, eternal movement, Sun, Venus, star constellations, day and night, equinox; 2.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of animal kingdom such as raven claw, goose foot, ram horns, goat horns, a bird wing, a dog tail; 3.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of flora such as almond, clover, pomegranate, tulip; 4.\tPatterns symbolizing household objects as a comb, a lock, tip of a knife, köökör, a vessel for fermented milk; 5.\tPatterns with anthropomorphic elements.

Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story. There are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet). One source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang. At night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

Kumiodori is a type of musical composed of speech, music and dance, and dance-like movements. It is a comprehensive performing-art based on Okinawa’s traditional music and dance, but elements from mainland Japan like Nogaku or Kabuki and also from China are incorporated. During a performance, songs accompanied mainly by a three-stringed instrument portray events as well as the emotions of the characters. The words used in the story-telling come from the language of ancient Okinawa. The rhythm of the lines is based on traditional poetry, and the distinctive intonation of the Ryukyu scale. Dances and actions are based upon the physical movements of a pythoness at traditional rituals in ancient Okinawa. Male actors perform all the female roles. Traditional techniques and characteristics unique to Okinawa can also be seen in the methods of hair-dressing, costumes, equipment and tools used on stage. Kumiodori has approximately 70 dramas today. The contents are concerned with legends or the history of Okinawa. Kumiodori was first performed in 1719 in the Ryukyu Kingdom to welcome the envoy of the Chinese emperor. It was created and transmitted under the protection of the Ryukyu government and prospered as the official performing art of the Kingdom. Because it was originally created to be performed at official events of the kingdom, its main themes were loyalty and dutifulness. After the Meiji Restoration in the late 19th century, Ryukyu became a prefecture of Japan, and no longer received support from the Ryukyu Kingdom; Kumiodori began to be performed for ordinary citizens, so that the performers could earn a living. Even under difficult times during and after World War II, people in Okinawa managed to transmit Kumiodori, finding relief and mental support in the songs and dances under the harsh conditions of life. In 1972, when Okinawa was returned to Japan from the U.S., Kumiodori was designated by the Government as Important Intangible Cultural Property and the bearers of Kumiodori were given recognition. To avoid unruly changes in the performing art, the following requirements were set upon its designation. Requirements for designation: 1. The majority of the actors and those associated with the performance of Kumiodori must be members of the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society. 2. Acting and stage direction must be based on traditional style. a. Words must be based on traditional style. b. Appearance (costumes, wigs, make-up) must be in traditional style c. Actors must play all female roles d. Stage settings and props must be in traditional style When Kumiodori was designated as Important Intangible Cultural Property, the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society was formed to secure its transmission. The members of the Society are proud of Kumiodori, eager to transmit it, and maintain the high standards of their skills. The people of Okinawa respect this Society, and recognize Kumiodori as an important cultural heritage created by their ancestors. The Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society is engaged in the promotion of Kumiodori, the training of successors, and the revival of dramas that were discontinued in the past. New performances with freer themes have been created today while keeping the traditional style of Kumiodori. They have been well received by the audience with a contemporary sensibility. In this way, Kumiodori has adapted to changing times and circumstances, and has continued to be recreated. Today, Kumiodori can be enjoyed all year round. The National Theatre Okinawa was built for the purpose of continuing the transmission of Kumiodori, and through detailed research on the performance history of Kumiodori, it provides the best stage mechanics suitable for its performance. As mentioned above, Kumiodori is a performing art that developed in the history and climate of Okinawa, and serves as a symbol of Okinawa, both socially and culturally. For the people of Okinawa, to see Kumiodori, or to perform in it, strengthens their sense of affiliation to the community. Kumiodori has continued to evolve, incorporating foreign elements from Asia and the Japanese mainland, while surviving many difficult conditions. Because of this, it is an important cultural heritage, indispensable for a deeper understanding of Okinawa. It is also a significant example the study of cultural interrelations between the Japanese mainland, Asian countries and Okinawa. The old language used in Kumiodori is no longer understood, except by the elderly. Kumiodori plays a central role in preserving this extinguishing language, as well as transmitting literature, performing arts, history, and ethical qualities to this day, both in Okinawa and other prefectures of Japan. The members of the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society have acquired high performing skills, and are eager to train successors. The Government recognized them as bearers of the arts and skills of Kumiodori. Currently, there are about 60 members. 2 among them have been recognized as supreme bearers, known as Living National Treasures. They have a central role in training successors, and work in collaboration with the national and local governments, schools and the National Theatre of Okinawa to promote Kumiodori. The National Theatre Okinawa conducts workshops in collaboration with the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society to train successors for the transmission of the knowledge and skills of Kumiodori. The young successors have a chance to perform throughout the year in order to exhibit the skills they have acquired. For the further promotion of Kumiodori, they work to increase opportunities to enjoy Kumiodori outside Okinawa. It also holds performances aimed for elementary school students in Okinawa.

Japan 2010

Wailing-songs ‘koshok’ are part of the funeral rites. It is one of the most ancient genres of popular lyrics, traces of which are found in the Orkhon-Enisei writing system. ‘Tiruunun korku syi bolot, olgondun korku yi bolot’, say the Kyrgyz. It implies the necessity to show respect to someone while he is alive and to demonstrate respect by wailing and lamenting when he passes away. Lamentations glorify the best human qualities of a deceased person. In the past, the wailing song performers were often invited to funeral ceremonies. At present, koshok is performed not only by the invited people, but by the members of the family as well. Lamentations are also performed during wedding ceremonies. In this case, they take the form of farewell to the bride and are performed by her mother or sister-in-law.

One of the main meat delicacies is a horse meat sausage called ‘chuchuk’. It was made out of horse intestine stuffed with horse meat and fat. Sheep meat and internal organs were used to make such delicacies as ‘jorgoom’ (made out of sheep lungs and stomach), ‘byzhy’ (a sausage made out of sheep liver, fat and blood) and ‘olobo’, that is sheep lungs filled with milk and boiled in water. Tash kordo is an ancient Kyrgyz dish. Literally, it means “food prepared on hot stones”. The separated and marinated meat is wrapped into the game skin and prepared in a hole in the ground about 1.5 m long and 70 cm wide, with stones at the bottom and sides hanged over the hot ashes.

Knowledge of the Kyrgyz concerning treatment and use of medicinal plants is distinguished by depth and diversity. It contains knowledge and practice about harvesting, drying, and storing medicinal plants, and their use in traditional medicine. Different tinctures, decoctions, ointments, and powders made of plants for treatment purposes are used today in traditional medicine to treat bleedings, heart deceases, kinks, scabs. Except plants, natural objects, minerals, and animal limbs are used in traditional medicine. The so called psychological treatment methods such as spells and exorcisms were used in the past, to which the Kyrgyz, rarely, but still resort to nowadays.

Kurak is a Kyrgyz craft of quilting. Quilting is a process of sewing pieces of fabric together, which at the end create a common pattern. Pieces of fabric, leather and felt of various size and color are used for quilting. Kyrgyz people say that kurak is a renewal of the old, creation of something big from something small. Nowadays, kurak is still very popular craft in the Kyrgyz Republic. Quilted items are always included into a bride’s dowry. Many household items such as blankets, pillow cases, wedding curtains, table cloths, spoon bags, tea bags and other items are quilted. The quilting techniques can be divided into two categories: 1.\tquilting that uses triangular and rectangular pieces of fabric of different color arranged in a way that creates sophisticated patterns; 2.\tquilting done with thin strips of fabric of different color. One of the most wide-spread patterns is black triangle on a white background called tumracha (small amulet) or turna (crane). Another ancient ornament used in quilting is a black square put on one of the inside angles of a white square. This ornament is called boto köz (baby camel’s eye). There are more sophisticated patterns. For example, kattama kurak (layered quilting) is a square with triangles going around it. A red square and white triangles make a pattern called alma kurak (apple quilting). A square with diagonals made out of lozenges and triangles is called scissor quilting. It is used to decorate various pillows and cushions.

The people of Qoma Island (Fiji) for generations have been traditional fisherfolk for the Ratu mai Verata, the overlord of Verata, an ancient kingdom in today’s Tailevu province. They also serve the Ratu mai Dawasamu and are administratively under the Ratu of Namena with the present system of provincial administration. All come under today’s Tailevu province on eastern mainland Vitilevu. They are renown for their traditional knowledge of fishing in observing the ocean currents, wind direction, the sky, understanding their fishing zones, the seasonal and temporal nature of fishing activities. It is their traditional obligation to present turtle to the chiefs of Verata and Dawasamu. There are established traditional protocols; from catching turtle to its presentation process, its taboos and strict adherence to elders who will be leading the delegation.

Kharam is celebrated in all the villages under Tshenkhar gewog, Lhuentse Dzongkhag of Northeast Bhutan. In the local dialect, Tsangla, "Kharam" means "Gossiping negative forces”. Villages host the festive celebration to please the local deities, and to seek protection them from unforseen disasters for their crops, cattle, and fellow local people. They also pay homage to the local deities for protecting the people, yields and the domestic life of the country by natural calamities. The annual festive event is celebrated on 27th and 28th day of the 8th month of the Bhutanese calendar. The event is celebrated by performing ritual in the morning and consequently by performing boen choe “Bonism” by the communal people in respective locality and followed by traditional games like archery and khuru (dart) competition within the village. The main performer of the celebration is the Bonpo “Chant Leader” accompanied by all villagers irrespective of age. In the past, in the evening of the first day of the celebration, people used to ward-off the negative forces by hitting a rooster against a cow. However, now the community has stopped killing roosters and the symbolism was replaced using a feather. With the performance of Kharam, it is believed that the village will prosper and have good yield in that year with less mishaps in the community.

Talang or the ox sacrifice ritual is one of the three main rituals performed by Lhops community; each of which includes an animal sacrifice. Tseney is an annual festival where each Lhop family sacrifices a rooster, while the Tenlha Soel ritual involves the sacrifice of a pig. Talang ritual is derived from the name of the deity of the Laskey clan that sacrifices an ox. Although Lhops are Buddhist by nature, the Lhops continue to practice many pre-Buddhist rituals which includes an animal sacrifice with no taboo attached to it for the slaughter of animals, hence everyone readily volunteers for the ritual. The ritual is conducted on any day preceding the 19th day, since, after the 20th day; it indicates the close ending of a month, which is seen as the end of the life of the month, and thereby considering it as inauspicious days. It is conducted once every nine years, since this ritual has had huge financial implication on a household. The ritual is conducted in an individual’s family home with an elder member of the family, generally a man, with support and help from other community members. This ritual does not require any monk or a pandit or any other specialist to conduct this ritual. Usually the ritual is performed by the Laskey clan household.