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wedding ceremony
ICH Elements 28
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Performing art of ‘koshok’ - wailing-songs
Wailing-songs ‘koshok’ are part of the funeral rites. It is one of the most ancient genres of popular lyrics, traces of which are found in the Orkhon-Enisei writing system. ‘Tiruunun korku syi bolot, olgondun korku yi bolot’, say the Kyrgyz. It implies the necessity to show respect to someone while he is alive and to demonstrate respect by wailing and lamenting when he passes away. Lamentations glorify the best human qualities of a deceased person. In the past, the wailing song performers were often invited to funeral ceremonies. At present, koshok is performed not only by the invited people, but by the members of the family as well. Lamentations are also performed during wedding ceremonies. In this case, they take the form of farewell to the bride and are performed by her mother or sister-in-law.
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional horse game – ‘Kyz kuumay’
‘It is one of the most widespread horseback games played at various feasts and festivities. Kyz kuumai is translated as chasing a girl. ‘Kyz kuumay’ was a wedding tradition in the past, in which a groom on a horse had to pursue and catch a racing bride. The game involves several couples in national costumes, which are well acquainted with rules of the game and have perfect horse riding skills. The bride was provided with the best horse; she started the race first. The groom had to catch his bride, thus proving his love and reaffirming his right to marry her. The groom has to catch up with the bride and kiss her or to touch her with his headwear, thus declaring his victory. In case of a failure, the girl chases the young man, striking his back with a whip. Due to the worse horse, the groom often failed to capture the girl. However, this was not a reason for the bride to refuse to marry.
Kyrgyzstan -
Khalfa (songstress) art
Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).
Uzbekistan -
Betashar – Kazakh wedding
Beautiful rite of 'Betashar' (kaz. 'open face') symbolizes inclusion of a bride into a groom’s family clan. First bride’s mother arranges Kazakh traditional headwear “Saukele” on her daughter’s head covering her face with veil called “jelek”. The groom’s eldest sisters-in-law (“jenge”) bring the bride under their arms to the guests. Then the bride puts her feet on a white carpet with an image of Tengrian calendar embodying the Universe or lamb fleece – the symbols of fertility. Masters of improvised music poetry Akyns start the ritual by singing a bridal song “Betashar jyr” to the accompaniment of Dombyra. The song praises groom’s family ancestors, parents and all relatives in dedicated couplets. In return the bride with her sisters-in-law bow to every relative and family listed, thus giving her respect and greeting – “Salem beru”. The relatives, whom the bride has just bowed, reward Akyn with money for his performance. After introducing all the relatives and expressing good wishes, Akyn lifts the bride’s veil with the neck of his Dombyra, thus revelaing the bride’s face to everybody. Mother-in-law (“Ene”) takes off the veil, kisses and welcomes new member of the family. Then the groom takes the bride by the hand showing her to all guests. At this moment elder relatives shower the newlyweds with sweets and coins (“Shashu” ritual), wishing them happiness and abundances. In some regions Betashar includes: bride’s stepping over the fire, fumigation of bride with harmala (“adiraspan”) smoke and pouring oil on fire to endear the Spirit of fire.
Kazakhstan -
The telling tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/MollaNesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/ Nasriddin Afandi anecdotes
The Telling Tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/Molla Nesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/Nasriddin Afandi Anecdotes is an intangible cultural heritage element on social practices and festivals related to the tradition of telling anecdotes. It is transmitted orally among generations and is shaped around Nasreddin who became a symbol of humor and wisdom. Although there are slight differences about images, names and anecdotes of Nasreddin in communities, the main features of the element have been shared as a common heritage in the Submitting States. Communities acknowledge that he was a wise person who analyzed the society well and gathered shared intelligence, thought and life experience of people in his own personality. The anecdotes of him are short and intensive narrations transmitted through oral tradition and written sources, attributed to Nasreddin whose reputation spread to the wide geographical area. Some of the anecdotes have become classic, and the epigrams of these anecdotes have turned into idioms and proverbs in time. His anecdotes are intensely practiced in the printed and visual media as well as in the oral tradition and especially in the programs prepared for children. In the anecdotes of Nasreddin, the components of wisdom, repartee, witticism, common sense, absurdity and surprise merged firm and these are distinguishing features of the anecdotes. Nasreddin breaks very often accepted norms and concepts, while finding an extraordinary way out of the situation, where he is always the winner, by the power of word. Anecdotes call for humor, satire, sarcasm, and cynicism, to reveal the negative traits of people. However, the anecdotes is a genre with an instructive, entertaining function, a profound meaning that ends with moral, intellectual, and logical results. His anecdotes include relations of different people and their behaviors in various situations. Through his anecdotes, all kinds of unpleasant behaviors are being criticized and judged through humor. Communities in the Submitting States enrich conversations with his anecdotes and support speeches with his witticism. His anecdotes are narrated easily by everyone to strengthen any thought by giving examples in the dailylife, to convince other people or to explain a situation. In some Submitting States, although there is no specific narrator or teller of these anecdotes, the artists of traditional theatre use the element to enrich their narratives and to entertain people. On the other hand, there are specific tellers of the anecdotes in some Submitting States (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). The anecdote tellers select words and perform with great care. In this sense, it mostly depends on knowledge, understanding, thinking, performance culture and skill of the performer to tell anecdotes in meaningful, impressive and funny way. It is important for performer to know various life situations, possess an impressive culture of speech, and make use effectively and skillfully his face, eye, hand, and body movements. In Submitting States, local administrations, municipalities, universities and NGOs which play significant roles in transmission of the element, organize various activities and festivals periodically for commemoration of Nasreddin at local, national and international levels. Public participation in these festivals and activities is considerably high.
Azerbaijan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022 -
Bibaha/Vivah: Marriage custom in southern Bhutan
Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.
Bhutan -
Serga Mathang and Khothkin: Cross-cousin Marriage.
In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.
Bhutan -
The Sewang or Jenulang Dance
The Sewang or also called Jenulang Dance is one of the traditional dances of the Orang Asli (Indigeneous) community of the Semai and Temiar ethnics in the state of Pahang. This dance combines the elements of dance, music and songs with 18 dancers or more of both sexes, according to the suitability of the stage area. The dance functions as entertainment, ‘opening up of love’, for marriage, appeasing the spirit of paddy and for healing. This dance is led by an elderly man called Tok Halak, who is also the main singer. The dancers repeat every line their leader sings and move in circle while stomping their feet on the floor. They are accompanied by a traditional musical instrument called ‘Buluh Cetong’ made of bamboo that is stomped on a hard wood. There are four dance formations depending on the dance function. Firstly, the dancers are dancing in one line. Secondly, the dancers are dancing in a circle while moving clockwise or anti-clockwise. Thirdly, the dance is performed in couples of both sexes that sometimes holding hands. Fourthly, in groups. For the purpose of happiness, Sewang is danced after paddy harvesting, or receiving the return of a sibling that works far away or the arrival of a new year, at wedding ceremonies and the like that has elements of bliss. For circumcision ceremony the dance is called ‘Ajok’. For healing purposes the dance is performed in the evening. Outsiders are not allowed to ascend the house where the dance is perfomed until the dance is over.
Malaysia -
SABZIREZA-KUNON, bekhirezakunon
Ritual of preparing carrots for ceremony national dish oshi palav (pilaf). This ritual will be held in wedding and other celebrations.
Tajikistan -
Performing art of songs
There are various types of performed singing genres. Love songs is the most spread mass genre of singing art of the Kyrgyz. Love songs reflect not only moral and aesthetic worldview of the people, but love of native land as well. Their lyrics are often built on comparisons of images of nature and a loved one. They praise the beauty of surrounding world and motherland. Edification-songs represent other genre of the Kyrgyz folk singing. They reflect philosophical views about human character, family relations, society and peace, and contain catchwords and conclusions about natural phenomena. They are often sung during celebrations of important life events. Lyrical songs may be performed without accompaniment or with accompaniment of komuz or accordion. They sound more often without accompaniment during traditional and family celebrations of so called oturush, and sherine, as well as during folk song contests such as sarmerden and yr kese (singing chalice). No repertoire of folk singers (yrchy) is complete without lyrical songs. Ceremonial songs of the Kyrgyz, first of all, are connected with celebrations of various events. They have a solemn character and are performed with musical accompaniment. So, for example, toi bashtar (wedding song or feast song) marks the beginning of a wedding celebration or jubilee celebration, and jar-jar is the song of a greeting of groom and bride. There are ceremonial songs that are performed without musical accompaniment. It concerns the lamentation song performed by the bride’s mother at a dramatic moment of the wedding, when the bride leaves her parents’ house; or the lullabies that are performed during of the ceremony of encradling the newborn child. A vivid expression of the epic beginning of Kyrgyz folklore is demonstrated in lamentation songs performed at funerals. Songs of bakhshi and dervishes are other well preserved song genres of the Kyrgyz. They are performed in the form of melodic recitatives at praising and appealing to the God, and at purification rituals. Contemplation song is one of the genres of lyrical traditions of the Kyrgyz. They are built on folk philosophy, teaching, and artistic representation of the reality, which are transmitted from generation to generation. They comprise moral principles and ethno- pedagogical views of the nation in them. Similar to the other folk song traditions, contemplation songs are presented in rhythmic and poetic form.
Kyrgyzstan -
The Music of Perak’s Rebana
The word Rebana (or hand-held drum) originated from two Arabic words that are ‘Rab’ means ‘beating’ and ‘Na’ means ‘we’. Hence, rebana means ‘our beating’. The beating of the Perak Rebana is headed by a ‘beater’ followed by the ‘alternators’ and the ‘continuers’. Normally a group consists of 15 to 20 members. This music is often performed at ceremonies like wedding, circumcision, and ear piercing, as well as at welcoming guest-of-honour and procession. There are a number of types of beating and the most popular one is Sariful Annam and Kinchat. The melody is picked from the religious song of Berzanji and often sung in the Malay language according to the suitability of a ceremony or event. The uniqueness of this music can be seen during wedding ceremonies whereby two or more rebana groups from the host and the newly-wed sides ‘fight’ to beat the rebana until one side stops then only the ‘fighting’ ends.
Malaysia -
Pleng Klang Khaek (Klang Khaek Music)
"Pleng Klong Khek" is played for the dead body procession to cremation, accompanied by the Khmer boxing match, the procession of Buddha statues, the procession of candles, the procession of the King's wedding, etc. The Klong Khek music instrument consists of Sralai Chang 1 (mouth wide like a morning glory flower), double-faced drum (or sangna) and drums (or winning drum) may be more or less depending on the status of the corpse or ceremony. For ordinary people, there are two winning drums. If playing for the corpse of a prince, princess or civil servant with merit, the number of drums must be four, six, or eight, depending on the position and status. In the procession of the Buddha, the procession of candles, the procession of the royal wedding, and the procession to bury the ashes, they play the song "Tinaing" and use only one string and two double drums. As for the boxing match, they often use the song "Yon" when the player is commemorating the boxing teacher and the following songs to accompany the players during the match, such as banana peeling, crying owl, wrestling, and rabbit breaking legs. In such a program, usually, only one string and two winning drums can be used.
Cambodia