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ICH Elements 33
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Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012 -
Custom of serving the dishes to the guests - ‘tabak tartuu’
‘Tabak tartuu’ is a special ritual of offering and serving dishes, treating guests. The right offering of ‘tabak’ (meat dish) – considered to be an art and an indicator of knowledge of customs and respect for the rules of decency and hospitality. From the ancient times, special ceremony was followed when distributing the boiled meat. A piece of lamb meat ‘jilik’ is given to every guest according to his/her age, social or family status, the head of ram ‘bash’ is given to the honored guests. The tradition of distribution of pieces of meat may also vary depending on the region.
Kyrgyzstan -
Ritual dramatic art of Ta‘zīye
Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.
Iran 2010 -
Mesir Macunu festival
Mesir Macunu (paste) Festival has been annually celebrated for 472 years during March 21st-24th of each year. The roots of Festival go back to a historical anecdote about the mesir macunu, Hafsa Sultan, mother of the Ottoman Ruler Suleiman the Magnificent contracts an incurable disease. In an effort to find a cure for this disease, Merkez Efendi, the Chief Physician of the Madrasah of Sultan Mosque concocts a special experimental recipe of a paste with 41 different herbs and spices. This special paste to be thenceforth known as the mesir macunu (paste) cures Hafsa Sultan rapidly. Hafsa Sultan then asks to disseminate this paste to the wider public, hoping that it would ensure the well being of each and everyone. Wrapped in small pieces of paper, the paste is then “scattered” to the community, from Sultan Mosque. Since then, at each and every anniversary of this event, people gathering around Sultan Mosque commemorate the invention of this healing paste, through a series of events. The festival begins with the “mixing” and cooking of the mesir macunu, prepared in respective proportions and mixtures in line with the traditional know-how. Blessed with wishes for cure, the paste is then packed up by women according to the traditional knowledge. It is then scattered among the public from the top of the minaret and the domes of the Sultan Mosque. Thousands of people coming from different regions of Turkey compete with each other, in a challenge to grab these pastes in the air, before they finally hit the ground.
Turkey 2012 -
Khalfa (songstress) art
Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).
Uzbekistan -
Weaving of Mosi (fine ramie) in the Hansan region
Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.
South Korea 2011 -
Mibu no Hana Taue, ritual of transplanting rice in Mibu, Hiroshima
‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.
Japan 2011 -
Traditional Fishing Methods (Turtle Fishnet)\u000b
The people of Qoma Island (Fiji) for generations have been traditional fisherfolk for the Ratu mai Verata, the overlord of Verata, an ancient kingdom in today’s Tailevu province. They also serve the Ratu mai Dawasamu and are administratively under the Ratu of Namena with the present system of provincial administration. All come under today’s Tailevu province on eastern mainland Vitilevu. They are renown for their traditional knowledge of fishing in observing the ocean currents, wind direction, the sky, understanding their fishing zones, the seasonal and temporal nature of fishing activities. It is their traditional obligation to present turtle to the chiefs of Verata and Dawasamu. There are established traditional protocols; from catching turtle to its presentation process, its taboos and strict adherence to elders who will be leading the delegation.
Fiji -
Art of Xòe dance of the Tai people in Viet Nam
"Xòe" means dancing with movements that symbolize human activities in ritual, culture, life and work. Xòe is performed at rituals, weddings, village festivals and community events. There are three main types of Xòe: ritual Xòe, circle Xòe, and presentational Xòe. Rituals Xòe and presentational Xòe are named after props used during particular dances, such as scarf Xòe, conical hat Xòe, fan Xòe, bamboo pole Xòe, music Xòe, stick Xòe, and flower Xòe. The most popular form is circle Xòe, wherein dancers form a circle in harmony with each other. The basic dance movements of Xòe include raising the hands up, opening the hands, lowering the hands, clasping the hands of the next person following rhythmic footsteps, slightly arching the chest and leaning backwards. The musical instruments of gourd lute (tính tẩu), shawm (kèn loa), mouth organ (khèn bè), drum, gong, cymbals, reed flute (pí pặp), bamboo-tube percussion (bẳng bu) and small round-shaped rattle are used to accompany dance, which follows rhythms in even meters (either 2/4 or 4/4). The typical melodies played on the instruments use the following intervals: major second, major and minor third, perfect fourth and perfect fifth. Dance movements, though simple, symbolize wishes for community members to have a good life and live in solidarity. Gentle dance moves blend with instrumental music, vocals, tight-fitting blouses, the jingling of silver jewelry hanging around the waists of Tai women and creates an art form imbued with the cultural identity of the Tai in the northwestern region of Viet Nam.
Viet Nam 2021 -
Lomba: Indigenous New Year Celebration
Lomba is a popular local New Year celebration observed in the villages of Paro and Haa districts. Lomba is a celebration for the beginning of a New Year, which takes place from the 29th day of the 10th month of the lunar calendar. It is one of the most special annual occasions for the Parops and Haaps, residents of the valleys. The name “Lomba” expresses carrying good luck from one year to another. Ba literally means receiving wealth in one’s hand or to carry something forward, leaving the past behind. Lomba is celebrated by Haaps and Parops as a New Year festival from the 29th day of the 10th month of the lunar calendar. In Haa, Lomba often lasts until the 15th day of the 11th month, while Parops have a shorter celebration until the 2nd day of the 11th month. Although Lomba has been part of the culture of the two valleys for many generations, making it difficult to trace the origin. No specific written text has been found for early observances so far. According to folk understandings, some believe that Lomba began with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo in the 13th century, while some believe that it began much earlier when men started working for food. According to Dasho Sangay Dorji (2011), Lomba observed in Paro and Haa districts may be the legacy of the Lhapas, but in some religious texts, the Lomba celebration dates to an influence from Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594-1651) who consolidated the Bhutanese region into a state in 1649. Himself hailing from Tibet to the north, he first introduced Bhutanese to the celebration of Nyi-lo winter solstice. The day marked the end of the year and welcomed another year of prosperity with bountiful harvest. With adequate food reserve stored on the rooftop, Haaps and Parops began to recognize the day as Lomba and ushered in the beginning of the dry season of winter. Temples and monasteries in the country would have also received the annual provisions of butter, meat, rice and wheat grains on Lomba. Since then, Lomba is celebrated every year, which would make it the earliest New Year festival celebrated in any district of Bhutan.
Bhutan -
Bibaha/Vivah: Marriage custom in southern Bhutan
Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.
Bhutan -
Tumneam Si Sla-Mlu (The Tradition of Chewing Betel Nut and Leave)
Traditions of Si Sla Mlu are deeply rooted in the societies of Asian countries, including Cambodia. In Cambodia, Sla-Mlou has become an integral part of all Khmer traditional ceremonies from birth to death, as well as other religious ceremonies of both the people and the king. The royal word to call Mlu-Sla is “Preah Srey”. Mlu Sla is important at home, especially for the wealthy, to have luxurious things for keeping this Sla Mlu. Those things are made from wood, bamboo, Ror Peak, and silver or gold, as well as Kmok Mreak and fine designs, as they are not only used to store Sla Mlu, but also for home decoration, and even in large ceremonies at the royal palace. It is seen to be placed on the table near the place where the King sit down. Before the Khmer wedding, there is a ceremony called "engagement." In that ceremony, the elders and the parents of both sides "Si Sla” as a testimony of the engagement ceremony, and even have the words" Si Sla Pjoib Peak”. It is believed that Sla Mlu is a medicine and a sacred object because the Khmer therapist chews it to spit and blow to cure diseases (Tlos, Krech, Rerm, especially Peus Plerng…) or spitting to avoid the disease from harassing and expelling evil. About two decades ago, eating Mlu Sla was a common practice for both men and women, and some are even addicted to eating Sla. Mlu Sla is a snack to welcome guests who visit. That is why Sla Mlu is often planted in almost every house. Occasionally there is a burning of Kombor (from the shell of clams, snails, and sea snails) by itself. Locals understand that eating Sla makes teeth stronger and does not cause bad breath. Eating Sla makes the teeth darker and this may be the popularity of that generation. But the Khmer people say Si Sla, apart from Sla, there are other ingredients such as Mlu, Kombor, and Tnam Juk. And the way to eat is by applying Kombor on one leaf of Mlu leaf eat together with young or ripe Sla. If the elders are without teeth, Sla and Mlu will be grinded together so that he or she can eat afterward. Then squeeze a small amount of Tnam Juk and roll it between the teeth and the lips. Some Jok Tnam without eating Sla. The sla is not swallowed, it is spit out. The saliva that comes out is as red as blood and it will make the house dirty if there is nothing to put the saliva in. That is why we always see in every house there is a spittoon for saliva, and that spittoon is also a valuable tool for showing off the wealth, the same resources as the things that used to store Sla-Mlu. In literary texts, whether it is Lberk, poetry, or song, this Si Sla Mlu tradition is also included, and there are even more legends related to the origin of this Sla-Mlu.21 Nowadays, the Si Sla-Mlu tradition has declined somewhat, especially for people in the city and children because they no longer make their teeth black like before.
Cambodia