An exhibition of beldemchi was launched at the Gapar Aitiev Fine Arts Museum in Bishkek on 7 June 2017. The exhibition is still ongoing through the partnership of the Kiyiz Duino Foundation and the Gapar Aitiev Fine Arts Museum, an institution named after one of the first Soviet Kyrgyz artists who became a national artist of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic in 1954. The exhibition displays more than forty items collected from state museums and private collections. It represents all regions of the country and various embroidery styles and techniques. The event is a sign of increasing interest in beldemchi in Kyrgyz society; renowned designers are already coming up with unique beldemchi design.\n\nOne of the Kyrgyz ICH elements, beldemchi is a traditional women’s skirt worn over a dress, gown, and sometimes thin coat. Conventionally, women wear their first beldemchi after a severe stress, e.g. first labor or situations demanding warmth. When worn as postpartum clothing, beldemchi helps women correcting their posture. It also gives physical support. Historically, as Kyrgyz people led a nomadic lifestyle in inland continental climate conditions during pre-Soviet times until 1917, beldemchi was an essential part of Kyrgyz women’s traditional apparel.\n\nBeldemchi may be worn daily and in holidays or festive events. It is made up of velvet and silk adorned with embroidery. The embroidery could cover either the whole skirt or its edges. Viewed as a protective amulet against evil eye, jinxes, and other unpleasant troubles, it is also a determinant of a woman’s age, social status, region, and her artistic skills based on the composition, style, and quality of the embroidery since every woman is supposed to know how to make a beldemchi and its embroidery. The main base of beldemchi is a double-leaved swing skirt with wide and thick belt. Beldemchi has several regional differences. In the north where the winter season is cold and long, it is mainly a wraparound flared skirt from warm fabric with a thick band over the belt. In the south, beldemchi is a buttoned front open cut skirt.\n\nThe presentation of beldemchi at the exhibition displays how the making of traditional clothing for women has gradually turned into a field of rich female creativity. Notwithstanding, beldemchi has started to disappear from Kyrgyz everyday life, which may have been caused by the changing views and lifestyle. During the Soviet modernism in the 1960s, wearing beldemchi was a sign of backwardness and provincialism. Soon in the 1970s, it fell into disuse. However, elderly women in rural areas have kept wearing beldemchi until now.\n\nPhoto : Women wearing Beldemchi © Kyiz Duino Fund

To professionals in the sector of cultural heritage and stewards who recognize its significance to us all, tangible objects and intangible traditions both possess more power than many realize. There is a reason why in times of conflict, historic buildings and the rites and rituals related to these tangible elements are targeted as a means of violence: because as a direct line to identity, community, solidarity, belonging, unity, and connection to the past, both tangible and intangible heritage are an easy target for those who seek to obtain control by dismantling those rudimentary building blocks. Extremist groups, political regimes, and global institutions are all well aware that one of the most fundamental ways to injure a people is to separate them from the elements of cultural heritage that otherwise connect us, fill us up, and provide us with a sense of self, place, and purpose—and ultimately make us human.\n\nThe power that cultural heritage holds over entire nations, vastly spread ethnic groups, and displaced people across the globe does increase the vulnerability of the precious manifestations of that heritage—everything from architecture marvels to the surprisingly meaningful trinkets laying around peoples’ houses to the recipes, fairy tales, figures of speech, and traditional melodies passed down from generation to generation. But this strong influence can also be harnessed as a more positive asset, especially in the aftermath of conflict and trauma.\n\nAs communities heal from the wounds carved by violence and destruction in contexts like war, political upheaval, civil unrest, or natural disasters, cultural heritage may be a lifeline to which they can cling. Programs offered by global organizations like ICCROM and grassroots movements alike are mobilizing cultural heritage in the aftermath of destructive conflicts, fashioning it into a tool that will help to re-establish a sense of unity and identity. Honoring traditions by telling stories, revisiting significant locations, cooking recipes, and documenting intangible heritage offers an arena in which current pains can be momentarily soothed by the comfort of familiar customs and the reunification of a community. The education of local history has offered a similar sense of togetherness through the remembrance of a shared past, in which our identities the present day are so deeply rooted. But furthermore, history adds a layer of perspective, accounting for many of the grudges and lingering pains in which modern conflicts are often steeped.\n\nOutside of conflict zones, heritage can continue to pull its weight in the post-conflict recovery process. As refugees navigate displacement in new environments, collections at museums containing heritage objects that hail from their home countries can become touchstones of familiarity and opportunities for intangible heritage to be remembered and maintained. Through both the tangible objects themselves, which may hold particular significance and meaning to the people who come from the same cultural background, and through the elements of intangible heritage, memory, and identity that the items invoke, historical artifacts can be instrumental in establishing new communities and connections among immigrants and refugees.\n\nSeveral museums have recognized their role as meeting places offering programs in which displaced communities are trained as museum guides and deliver tours in their native languages, projects like this enable displaced people to be connected to their heritage while participating in the exchange of diverse cultural experiences within the museum. Although the tangible collections are the base of such initiatives, they also provide a venue for language, memory, culture, and identity to be expressed and kept alive.\n\nBoth on the ground as the dust settles in post-conflict zones and in widespread corners of the globe where displaced persons start new lives, cultural heritage has great potential to serve as a steppingstone as individuals and communities take steps forward in their healing process. In reconnecting individuals to the traditions, memory, community, shared history, and identity that shapes every one of us, heritage is undoubtedly powerful. But beyond this, in its appeal to the part of the human psyche that inherently yearns to belong to something, to know where we have come from, and to feel safely held by the cultures, which serve as a placeless home, some would argue that heritage is essential.\n\nPhoto : Science Photo Library, CC BY NTB scanpix

The interesting relationship between tourism, ICH, and climate change has important economic and developmental implications (Hernandez and Ryan, 2011). Much less written or perhaps discussed, is the potential effects climatic changes have on the intangible aspects of culture.\n\nICH, the very thing that gives cultures a unique identity, whose aspects often cannot be seen, is vulnerable to climate change and even the things we do in adapting to climate change. Climate change threatens the existence of ICH, by making preservation efforts more difficult and by causing resources to be less accessible. This has interesting effects on the tourism industry.\n\nClimate change adaptation potentially creates new policies (including tourism policies), and the implementation of these policies can potentially be challenging. In climate change science, adaptation refers to “the process, action or outcome in a system” (Smit and Wandel, 2006:282) and so this makes adaptation’s impacts on ICH potentially interesting but also complex and wide ranging.\n\nClimate change adaptation strategies often involve various stakeholder groups, and these diverse stakeholders may well have area-specific adaptation practices, and this might have effects on how national tourism plans are carried out (not necessarily for the worse).\n\nAdaption to climate change often runs parallel with mitigation strategies. We have to be aware that mitigation and adaptation might run the risk of producing contradictory impacts and/or reactions on tourism. Climate change adaptation, often seen as positive, may well support the development of special interest / niche tourism. This could be due to adaptation requiring that resources be used alternatively, creatively and sparingly, partly in the name of resource conservation. And this may also give rise to more opportunities for the preservation of ICH.\n\nClimate change adaptation often also has the important goal of increasing resilience of stakeholders (to climate change impacts). Increased resilience enables the preservation of ICH. Folke et al., (2005, Olsson et al. 2006) stated that participation allows for a continuous interchanging communication between scientific and lay knowledge because new governance and learning arrangements are expected to promote adaptability. That is good news for people involved in the protection of ICH.\n\nAdaptation therefore will change the way we preserve our cultures, or at least the way we look at the preservation of cultures and heritage. It could support the doing away of certain forms of tourism that destroys more than supports, damages more than repair. Adaptation to climate change should thus be seen as supporting the preservation of cultures and heritage, not a threat.\n\nReferences\nHernandez, B., A., Ryan, G. 2011. “Coping with Climate Change in the Tourism Industry.” Tourism and Hospitality Management, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 79-90\nLise, W. and Tol, R.S.J. 2002. Impact of Climate on Tourist Demand, Climate Change 55, 429-449.\nSmit, B., and J. Wandel. 2006. Adaptation, Adaptive Capacity and Vulnerability. Global Environmental Change 16(3):282-292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2006.03.008\nThis article is the original work of the above mentioned author, and any attempt to reproduce or copy without the consent of the author is strongly discouraged.\n\nPhoto : ICH and Climate Change © shutterstock

Today, the issue of preservation and popularization of national traditions, customs, and rituals associated with the human life cycle is relevant. Kazakhs have many ceremonies that must be carried out throughout a person’s life. One such significant rite of initiation into a new life is the Tusau Keser ceremony.\n\nTusau keser is fetters cutting on feet, symbolizing the beginning of a new stage in a child’s life—the ability to walk and to learn about the world. Kazakhs believed that if this ritual was not performed, the child would often stumble and be insecure and awkward. This custom is carried out when the child first begins to walk. In most cases, this will be when the child turns one year old. Our ancestors believed that if this custom is not carried out, the future of the child would be bad and if it is held, then a bright future awaits and brings luck and happiness. To hold this ceremony, the child’s parents organize toi (party). To do this, the day before the ceremony, they send invitations to relatives and friends. The next day, the invited people come with gifts as well as sweets for shashu (a festive throwing of sweets). A festal dastarkhan is set for guests and a feast begins. After the festive table, the tusau keser ceremony itself begins.\n\nRite Attributes\nFor holding of a tusau keser a colorful flagellum is prepared—ala jip, or colored interlaced from several woolen threads of different bright colors. This flagellum is called tusau—fetters. The threads consist of three colors: white (a symbol of purity), green (a symbol of health and longevity), red (a symbol of wealth). There is also an old form of fetters called ala jip, which were made of white and black threads symbolizing the philosophy and reality of the world—good and evil, light and darkness, and warmth and cold.\n\nSuperstitions and Beliefs\nThe toddler’s legs are tied with black and white threads. These colors are chosen to distinguish black from white in the future, to be a respectable citizen, and not to cross the road from anybody. Some people, instead of a striped rope, tie the legs with the fatty intestines of an animal so that the child would be rich and authoritative in the future. Such a superstition exists to this day. Sometimes they use a rope woven from grass so that the child would grow up quickly, mature faster, have a large family, and so on.\n\nThere are two ways to decide who will cut the fetters of the child. One option is for the parents to choose. This right is mainly granted to a multi-child, energetic woman or grandmother. The person who cuts the fetters should be smart, energetic, and respected. Our ancestors believed that if such a person cuts the fetters, then the person’s energy will be transmitted to the baby. The person entrusted with this process must bring a knife and a rope. After the feast, everyone goes out into the street. A special carpet is laid. They put the baby on the carpet and the chosen person cuts the fetters. Then two people take his hands and lead him off the carpet. When the baby is led, the people throw gifts and coins in a solemn atmosphere. In some regions, special items like books, mirror, or a whip are placed on the carpet, and the child chooses one of the items to determine the future. For example, if the child chooses a book, he or she will become a scientist or enlightened person. And if the child chooses the whip, he or she will become belligerent man.\n\nA second variant to decide who will cut the fetter is a fast-walking competition among boys. The boy who wins first place will do the cutting. This is done to transmit the energy of this boy to the baby. The boy is then given gifts, most often a sledding horse or a foal.\n\nPhoto : Tusau Keser symbolizing the beginning of a new stage in a child’s life ⓒ Nazym Malibayeva

Toktogul Satylganov was a great composer, poet, akyn (singer-improviser), and komuzist (someone who plays komuz, a traditional Kyrgyz musical instrument). Satylganov rendered a great contribution to the Kyrgyz culture. He sang about hardships of the common people, and he is best known for his songs about freedom and independence during the Tsarist Russia’s colonial era. He is one of the founders of Kyrgyz Soviet Literature.\n\nToktogul Satylganov was born in 1864 to a poor family in Toktogul district of the Djalal-Abad region. He never formally learned to write and read, but at the age of 13, he learned to play komuz by himself and started to compose songs about poverty and cruelty of feudalism. In 1898, he was jailed and sentenced to death because of false allegations of him participating in the Andijan rebellion. Eventually, his punishment was reduced to a seven-year imprisonment in Siberia by the mercy of the Tsars. His work at the Siberian labor camp intensified his understanding of social inequality and the inhumanity of feudalism. For that reason, Toktogul Satylganov was the first akyn to welcome the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, the revolution by the peasants and working people and led by Vladimir Lenin against Tsar Nicholas II.\n\nAccordingly, Toktogul Satylganov is known for his outstanding works that made a great contribution to the Kyrgyz literature. During the Soviet period, his songs played an important role in shaping public opinion. His songs are informative, vividly depicting the life of ordinary people, the beauty of the motherland, and the Communist Party during the Soviet era. He was the first to depict Vladimir Lenin in What Kind of Woman Gave Birth to a Son Like Lenin? that came out in a time now regarded as the beginning of the Kyrgyz Soviet literary history. His songs predicted the end of tsarism, praising laborers’ rights that encouraged many people. Therefore, many Kyrgyz poets and composers were influenced by Toktogul Satylganov and his work has been translated into many languages.\n\nToktogul Satylganov played a significant role in traditional Kyrgyz art. The art of akyn, the predominant form of cultural expression of nomadic Kyrgyz people, was inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008. Tokotogul Satylganov has been and continues to be honored by a number of poets and in books, scholarly works, movies, and discourse around musical heritage. The Kyrgyz National Philharmonic Building in the center of Bishkek is named after him. In addition, a city, streets, districts, parks, schools, libraries, and even the biggest hydroelectric power station and reservoir are named after him as the great composer, poet, akyn (singer-improviser), komuzist who was the most influential figure in traditional Kyrgyz art and literature.\n\nPhoto : Toktogul Satylganov

The Association of Water Users, also known as Ob Umed (literally “water is hope”), a Tajik NGO, works toward increasing the environmental education of the population, emphasizing certain attitudes toward water based on folk traditions and ancestral knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe. To formally dedicate time to reflect on the importance of water and its survival today, Ob Umed organizes and celebrates holidays within the framework of a project called “Revival of Traditional Methods of Water Resources Management in Mountain Communities”.\n\nOn 13 May, one such holiday, the beginning of the irrigation season was organized in the town of Dzhiruddjara–Tishordara. Representatives of water users of all nine Jamoat villages, employees of relevant state structures, public organizations, and mass media were invited to the holiday.\n\nEarly in the morning, the final works (hashars) were carried out to repair canals and irrigation ditches, a process in which village water users took part. As noted at the beginning of the event, the holiday is part of the national traditions; it does not only mean the beginning of the irrigation season but also an event that unites all water users and directs them to mutual understanding, consensus, and joint solution of issues relating to water problems in the area.\n\nDuring the ceremony, several water-related rituals were performed, including the pronunciation of prayers at the main sources, poetry reading, and other types of ancient traditional practices. Since the area is known for its water scarcity, these traditional practices are believed to be capable of encouraging residents to increase the volume of water in the sources and changing people’s attitude to water and its fair distribution. The event also provides the younger generation an example on how to respect water according to the teachings of tradition. A festive banquet followed and enriched the bond of the participants.\n\nPhoto : Ob Umed © Aiza Abdyrakhmanova

The customs and rituals associated with childbirth and the period of chilla (forty days after childbirth) constitute the oldest layer of family and everyday rituals of Central Asians. Rites and traditions related to the birth of a child, along with the ancient mythical and magical beliefs, are still followed with the help of ancestors.\n\nFrom the first days of a child’s life, a sense of loyalty to the family and parents is of great importance and is observed in a number of customs and superstitions after the birth of a child in Uzbekistan.\n\nFeeding. Particular importance is attached to the first feeding of the child; it is associated with a number of customs and beliefs. Immediately after the birth, the mother feeds the child with colostrum, which is considered the most useful for the baby.\n\nFeeding newborn baby should start by applying the child to mother’s right breast so that the child would become right-handed. If a mother’s milk was a lot, she would not be allowed to speak about it to protect from jinx. If a mother had to pump extra milk, it could not be poured into a dirty place or place where animals could reach, to avoid the disappearance of mother’s milk.\n\nBabies are usually fed in a cradle, and mothers do not feed their child in the presence of her father-in-law or other male relatives of the husband. In general, to bare breasts for feeding even before women in daylight is not permitted because it was believed that breast milk could be lost.\n\nAzan. One of the important customs and traditions of the Uzbeks associated with the birth of a child is reading azan by old people in the presence of the child’s father and grandfather immediately (or after some time) after the birth of the child to his right ear and reading Ikamah to the left. This ritual is very important because sacred words should be the first to reach the hearing of the baby. Azan can be spoken by the child’s grandfather, father, or an adult Muslim. The child’s name must also be pronounced in the right ear during this ceremony. It is believed that after the azan, the child’s perception of sounds begins to function.\n\nBeshik to’y. In Uzbek families, the birth of a new child is always a great event that is always accompanied by a beautiful ritual—beshik to’y (the first laying of the baby in his own cradle). This event is usually conducted on the seventh, ninth, eleventh, or fortieth day from the birth. On this day, the relatives of the mother bring a cradle (beshik) with necessary accessories as well as traditional cakes, sweets, and numerous toys for the new child. All gifts are wrapped in a festive tablecloth (dastarkhan). Men are not allowed to attend; this is a purely women’s gathering. The sounds of traditional folk instruments (karnay, surnay, and drum) begin the celebration. Guests congratulate each other at the festive table. In a separate room, the young mother surrounded by aunts learns the first swaddling and placing the baby in the cradle.\n\nUnder the baby’s pillow, a knife (wishing to be brave) and a piece of bread (wishing to be provided with bread during his life) are put before the baby is put in the cradle. While the mother was nursing her baby, she is given bread, and this bread is taken by children around her. Various sweets were scattered next to the cradle, and the children eat them with the intention that the newborn’s life will be sweet and abundant.\n\nAqiqa. One of the most important traditions in Uzbekistan as a sign of gratitude to the Lord for the newborn child, it is desirable, if there is a material opportunity, to sacrifice a sheep. As mentioned in holy hadith, the sacrifice is best made on the seventh day after birth. The meat of al-‘akyq is distributed as follows: part is used by the parents, who sacrificed the animal, part is distributed as a charity, and the rest is shared among relatives.\n\nHair cutting. On the seventh day after the birth, it is desirable (according to Sunnah) to shave the child’s head. After that, hair should be weighed and corresponding to the weight of the hair amount, the silver is given as alms to the poor and needy people. Shaving the head strengthens the hair and scalp and improves vision, smell, and hearing, and the distribution of alms (sadaqah) helps support those in need; this is a manifestation of social solidarity among Muslims.\n\nAll the rituals and traditions related to childbirth in Uzbekistan are of paramount importance for a child to become a perfect person.\n\nPhoto 1 : Uzbek tradition associated with childbirth ⓒ Nosirbek Yusupov\nPhoto 2 : Uzbek tradition associated with childbirth ⓒ Nosirbek Yusupov\nPhoto 3 : Uzbek tradition associated with childbirth ⓒ Nosirbek Yusupov

Navruz (Nowruz) is not just about the first day of spring, but it is also not just a celebration of the New Year marked by indulging in a feast; it has a much wider historical and cultural context with deep doctrinal significance.

With stupefying landscapes to explore, marked by the remnants of ancient tribes and Silk Road travelers, Kyrgyzstan is the perfect place to let one’s person and imagination roam wild.\n\nThe stunning Eurasian mountain country of Kyrgyzstan is renowned for its splendid natural panoramas and vast landscapes that, although isolated, belong to a unique cultural context. Human traces—Paleolithic petroglyphs, Saka burial mounds, Silk Road caravanserai, and Soviet-era monuments, to name a few—punctuate the mountains and valleys once roamed by the vagabonds and villagers of past centuries.\n\nTo the present day, the complex natural and historical Kyrgyz terrain elicits curiosity and wonder among those who attempt to navigate it. Furthermore, the interpretations by later ancestors of ancient remnants are interesting keystones in the development of culture. Over the decades and centuries, the distant, obscured past tends to remain a source of imagination, superstition, and inevitably, storytelling. While this reception of the past is not unique to the Kyrgyz culture, its history is characterized by many waves of migration, and thus the people who have traversed its mountains and valleys were at times vastly different to their predecessors.\n\nIt may be possible that as a result of their roaming, the ancient settlers of Kyrgyzstan felt a need to establish a sense of place within the overwhelming land they occupied, a desire to understand it and know what it had witnessed before they arrived. This attempt to fabricate a connection to the land and earlier peoples might account for the legends of Kyrgyz folklore that seek to explain the etiology of various monuments and natural phenomena, their reasons for being.\n\nCholpon-Ata\nCholpon-Ata, now a popular resort destination on the north shores of Lake Issyk-Kul, takes its compound name from the maiden of the origin myth of the lake. Legend has it that long ago lived Cholpon, a beautiful blue-eyed Kyrgyz girl who lived with her tribe near the mountains. The amoured Ulan and Santash fought and injured one another for her affections, their rivalry expanding to two groups of allied kin. In the face of a choice which would result in the detriment of one of the dijigits (horseback warriors), Cholpon tore her own heart from her chest, rendering it unattainable to either, and died on the sunrise-facing hill that commemorates her. The mourning Kyrgyz, who remained divided from the feud, filled the valley between the mountains with their tears and created Lake Issyk-Kul, which separated the bitter tribes. The two groups thus name the northern and southern banks, Kungey and Terskey while the Ulan and Santash dijigits blow as the east and west winds, occasionally grappling with one another in the form of a storm above the lake.\n\nJeti-Ögüz\nThe photogenic ridge of seven red sandstone peaks known as Jeti-Ögüz are also the setting of Kyrgyz myths. The formation’s name, meaning Seven Bulls, may reference a folktale in which the eponymous animals were petrified by the gods to protect human inhabitants of the region from their wild rampage. In another legend, a Kyrgyz khan seeks to avenge the theft of his wife by another man and is advised by an elder to do so by killing the wife as punishment. His plan is hatched at a funeral feast, when, after the sacrificing of seven bulls, he similarly stabs and kills his stolen wife. Her bleeding heart flooded the valley, the blood carrying the slaughtered bulls with it to the current position of the red rocks.\n\nTengrism and the Tien Shan\nSome of the vast mountains which Kyrgyzstan is known for belong to the Tien Shan range, also shared with China and Kazakhstan. These majestic snow-capped peaks cast upon those who face them the impression of a force that was mighty, powerful, and divine. Such mountains are held sacred in the Central Eurasian religion of Tengrism, rooted in the ancient Mongol and Turkic tradition that worshipped the god Tengri personified by the sky, whose name attests to the religious and legendary significance of the mountains. The Kyrgyz ‘Tengri’ and Chinese tian are linguistically linked, both meaning sky as well as god; the Tian Shan can thus be translated to mean ‘Sky Mountain’ in honor of the god.\n\nRecounting these ancient legends are only a small sample group of the rich folkloric tradition woven into Kyrgyzstan’s vast landscape and varied population. We can only assume there to be infinite variations to the stories that are continually told, and far more strands of the oral tradition that may survive either sparsely or not at all. But there is a timelessness about these tales of the origin of natural phenomena that continue to punctuate Kyrgyz land and something in their phrasing and rhythm that longs to be shared aloud, repeated, and remembered.\n\nPhoto : Kyrgyz Landscape

As in other societies, the family may be the smallest social unit but holds the highest priority in Kyrgyz culture, so the making of a family is very important in Kyrgyzstan. This is why in Kyrgyz society wedding ceremony is an important event. The Kyrgyz traditional wedding requires an understanding of soiko saluu, kyz uzatuu, kalym, sep beruu, and nikahh kyiuu among others.\n\nThe traditional Kyrgyz engagement ceremonies include the following. The kuda tushuu tradition is the compulsory visit of the groom’s family to the bride’s house where the bride receives a pair of golden earrings (soiko saluu) from the groom’s family for the official engagement. In addition, the groom’s family needs to pay kalym (bride price); it can be in the form of either money or livestock. Moreover, there is kiyit kiygizuu (a gift exchange) of mostly clothes, between the bride’s and groom’s family. These are all the of the Kyrgyz people.\n\nAfter, there is the kyz uzatuu tradition, a custom to say goodbye to the bride by holding a feast and preparing sep (dowry). Accordingly, the bride is taken to groom’s house through a special rite and respect. However, the practice of ala kachuu (bride kidnaping without the bride’s consent) is not part of Kyrgyz traditions. Traditionally, bride kidnapping meant an arranged marriage when a loving couple agreed to marry but the bride’s parents were against the marriage. In today’s Kyrgyz traditions, however, the understanding of bride kidnapping is very much distorted. Therefore, the practice is illegal, which leads to criminal liabilities. A legal and socially acceptable Kyrgyz traditional wedding incorporates rituals in which the bride and groom marry with respect and honor.\n\nOther wedding customs and rituals are performed in the groom’s house, where the official celebration takes place, such as welcoming the bride and displaying her dowry. The groom’s family present a white scarf to the bride as a symbol of blessing. The bride usually spends several days behind koshogo (curtain) while the visitors come and present different scarfs to see the new bride. Lastly, in the nike kiyuu tradition, a Muslim ceremony, the mullah reads a prayer and asks the couple of their consent to marry.\n\nNowadays, a mix of traditional and western styles of wedding is common in Kyrgyz society, incorporating decorated cars, visits in famous sites, and a feast in restaurants.\n\nPhoto : Kyrgyz Wedding Rites. Inspection by the Groom. Circa 1860s. by Aleksandr L. Kun, 1840-1888

Music occupies a significant position as intangible cultural heritage. In fact, 56 out of 470 cultural practices and expressions on the UNESCO Lists from 2008 to 2017 can be categorized as music; it should be noted as well that many elements on the Lists are performed with musical accompaniment, such as folk dances and traditional games. Music has helped generations circulate traditional knowledge not only for continuity but also for social cohesion and intergenerational solidarity.\n\nThe power of music lies on its capacity to enthrall, connect people, and emphasize—from a sense of shared belonging and repetitive participation—a community or a group of people not to be mistaken as homogenous but rather compelled by various thoughts and inclined to music-related activities for different purposes. This is particularly true for the Leif Larsen Music Centre, one of the flagship programs of Ciqam, a project of the Aga Khan Cultural Services Pakistan. Ciqam (a Burushaski word meaning “prosperity”) was established in Hunza district to provide income-generating opportunities to empower people, more specifically women and the youth, in Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral, the northern region of Pakistan. Formerly known as Community Music Centre, Leif Larsen Music Centre is named after a Norwegian ambassador, Leif Holger Larsen, who was supposed to visit the facility in May 2015, but regrettably the plane he was boarded on crashed on the way. He was a key figure in the process of realizing the initiative.\n\nAt present, there are thirty-five musicians at the Centre; twelve are considered the core team or those whose knowledge on music from the region is sufficient to train others; all of them are young people. Two common attributes among the young musicians are (1) their interest in producing and disseminating local music culture and (2) their experience of economic marginalization. While the Centre provides free informal music education, and through that and other related activities safeguards intangible cultural heritage, it also supports the musicians’ annual tuition fees in their respective formal school, books, and uniform. The Centre’s humanitarian aim, particularly to find ways for people in this region to overcome poverty and gain livelihoods, is strongly commendable because at the same time central to it is valuation of heritage.\n\nUnlike in other postcolonial countries, music in Pakistan remains to be resistant to Western influences. People generally appreciate locally produced music, nostalgic songs that find their roots in the time and imagination before the rupture of the Indian subcontinent, i.e. separation of India and Pakistan. This strong enthusiasm for the local is reflected in the kind of music created and transmitted at the Leif Larsen Music Centre. Through the efforts of women working at Ciqam, they produce their own traditional musical instruments such as rubab, sitar, chaarda, zigini, tumbak, and daf. Furthermore, their musicians’ repertoire is based on local languages such as Burushaski, Wakhi, Shina, Khuwar, and Balti. This is meaningful in terms of symbolically enabling the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral, considering that their safeguarding efforts are situated in a challenging time. Nevertheless, the musicians and cultural managers at the Centre and largely at Ciqam continuously work in pursuit of gender equality, affirmative action, and poverty alleviation. Their laudable grassroots effort is a strong testament to the possibility of intangible cultural heritage as a vehicle for sustainable development.\n\nTo connect with the Leif Larsen Music Centre, please contact Aqeela Bano, Manager of Ciqam, at +92 3445 001234 or +92 5813 457345 or via e-mail (aqeela.bano@ciqam.com.pk).\n\nPhoto : CONTRIBUTED BY B.B.P. HOSMILLO

Two festivals of ak-elechek (or elechek) took place in Kyrgyzstan in March 2017. One of them was held at the national scale; one thousand women from all provinces wearing ak-elechek participated in the event in the nation’s capital, Bishkek. The second event took place in Talas, a small northern province, where women made eighty-six elechek models.\n\nAk-elechek is a traditional white Kyrgyz female turban, made of many layers of a single piece of cloth. The material (silk, wool, or cotton), number of turban layers, and its model depend on the age, social, and marital status of women.\n\nIn the past, a young woman would put on an ak-elechek for the first time when going to a prospective husband’s house, and then, after the marriage ceremony, the woman had to wear ak-elechek at all public events. In emergencies, Kyrgyz women would sometimes use ak-elechek during unexpected births or for wounds or trauma. A widespread traditional blessing, “Don’t let your white ak-elechek fall down from a head,” is a wish for lifelong family happiness.\n\nOne thousand women in ak-elechek in Bishkek and eighty-six women in Talas impressively gathered to promote Kyrgyz traditional values and recall the important roles women in society. Women of different ages and social statuses from all regions of the country participated in the national and regional festivals. Events were organized by the public association Kyrgyz Tilekteshtigi (the Kyrgyz Cooperation) and by the Kiyiyz-Duino – Kochmon Rukhu (Felt World – Spirit of Nomadism) Fund.\n\nPhoto : Women wearing Ak-elechek© Kiyiyz-Duino – Kochmon Rukhu