Materials
recent
ICH Materials 97
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Terisakkan Spring Festival of Horse Breeders: Ayghyr kosu
Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\n\nTraditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village – mark the end of the previous and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality. Faced with the forced transition in the twentieth century from a nomadic way of life to a settled one, bearers have adapted the traditional form of horse breeding to meet present-day conditions to ensure its continued viability.
Kazakhstan -
Terisakkan Spring Festival of Horse Breeders: Ayghyr kosu
Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\nKazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’.\n‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking.
Kazakhstan -
Terisakkan Spring Festival of Horse Breeders: Inventory (Ayghyr kosu)
Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\nTraditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village – mark the end of the previous and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality. Faced with the forced transition in the twentieth century from a nomadic way of life to a settled one, bearers have adapted the traditional form of horse breeding to meet present-day conditions to ensure its continued viability.
Kazakhstan -
Gar-zo (Blacksmith) of Woochu
Gar-zo (Blacksmith/iron craft) is one of the Bhutan's 13 traditional crafts and is considered as one of the earliest crafts/arts of the Bhutanese people. It is believed that it was introduced by a Tibetan saint known as Dupthob Thangtong Gyalpo in the 14th Century. He is revered by the Bhutanese people as a master engineer for his skill in casting iron chains and erecting them as bridges over gorges. He is supposed to have built eight suspension bridges in Bhutan. One can still see one of the bridges crossing over the Paro Chu, on the road from Paro to Thimphu, and linking the highway to the famous Tachog lhakhang (temple). The remains of another bridge can be viewed at the National Museum in Paro. \n\nHowever, J. LaRocca,D (2006) in his book mentioned that Dupthob Thangthong Gyalpo came to Bhutan for the first time in 1433-44 to gather the iron ore to build bridges in Tibet. The iron he collected was forged into 7000 links by a team of 18 blacksmiths from five villages near Paro, one of the village was Woochu where the art is still practiced today. It was believed that Thangthong Gyalpo distributed 18 anvils as a token of gratitude among the blacksmiths gathered and blessed them to earn their livelihood and flourish the craft. The donation of iron chain links to Dupthob was an evidence that the people of Woochu practiced the iron craft way before Thangthong Gyalpo’s visit. Unfortunately there are no records and even the oldest living master blacksmith had nothing to substantiate on this matter. There were many places in Bhutan that manufactured iron handicrafts before but with passing time the art and skills faded and only few places are still practicing it today, one of it being Woochu.\n\nThe origin of black smithy in Woochu is lost in antiquity. There are no records or documents to trace the origin of the art. However, oral accounts of some elderly people posits that the art might have started out of necessity. Before Woochu was known for its famous blades, it manufactured agricultural tools that were used by the locals. Moreover, recent findings showed that a large forging took place near the place where the iron formation was found. Gaw (Blacksmith) Phajo also believes that the founding of black smithy will not be possible without the iron ore. So he supports the idea of the foundation of black smithy due to the iron ore that was found in the area. The blacksmiths of Woochu manufactured and repaired agriculture tools for the locals before it became known for the famous Woochu blades. Woochu blades are very popular and are known for their tensile strength and durability. There were only three iron craftsmen with traditional knowledge and skills before, all are officially retired now.\n\nBlacksmithing, a traditional craftsmanship handed down for several hundred years, was on the verge of extinction. With not many blacksmiths remaining and even lesser apprentices showing interest in learning the skill. Those who used to practice the trade has died and some were retired. The younger generations seemed disinterested in taking up the art. Initially the blacksmiths in the area took up the art as part of earning daily wage. It was like any other job that fetched money. Moreover, the job of a blacksmith was physically tiring, and the social stigma that the trade carried was perhaps another reason why it has failed to attract the attention of the younger generations in the community. The blacksmiths were looked down in the community. \n\nThe art of crafting fine Bhutanese swords was on the decline. In 2016, His Majesty the King commanded for a training center to be set up in Woochu to revive the dying art. Reviving the centuries-old trade was challenging but not impossible. Royal Metal Craft Center (RMCC) was an intervention aimed at reviving and promoting dying crafts and reinstating it as a source of livelihood. The center is now established and works are underway to further develop it.
Bhutan
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Traditional Spring Festivals of Kazakh Horse Breeders
Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.
Kazakhstan 2016-0505 -
Traditional Spring Festivals of Kazakh Horse Breeders
Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.
Kazakhstan 2016-0505 -
Kosrae (FSM) ICH: Weaving and Local House
There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.
Micronesia 2020 -
Mongol - Joroon Joro
Joroon Joroo depicts couples dancing while riding on horses strolling at a leisurely pace. This dance originates from the Mongolian folk dance Bii Biyelgee. Bii Biyelgee is a dance arising from the nomadic lifestyle, and was traditionally performed in a small confined space within the ger, next to the stove. The choregraphy is primarily performed using the chest, shoulders, head and wrists, to avoid raising dust indoors. The legs are in a half-sitting position or crossed, only acting to support the torso. It is characterized by the raising of the arms and shaking of the shoulders. It is primarily accompanied by the ekil (violin-like traditional instrument) and the choreography is relatively short in length.\n\nThe various ethnic groups of Mongolia each perform their own unique and creative form of Biyelgee, which all go by different names. As Biyelgee is not just a dance but a form of pantomime which involves wit, emotions and expressions, it requires a high level of technical expertise and patience to master. Biyelgee plays an important role in the Mongolian society composed of a wide range of communities, as a cultural asset reflecting the customs and lifestyles of Mongolian nomads, and a common ground connecting the various ethnic communities. The viability of Biyelgee had been under threat in the recent past, due to a continued decline in the number of transmitters and performing communities, the numbers of trainees and transmitters have been showing stable growth with safeguarding efforts by the UNESCO and the Mongolian government.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙A branch of Biyelgee dance which uses horses as a motif\n∙Biyelgee was inscribed on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding in 2009\n\nperformed by Mongolian National Song and Dance Academic Ensemble\ndirected by Tseden-Ish Altangerel\nchoreographed by Davaakhuu Altangerel
Mongolia Sep 3, 2016
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The epic of Alha
The Alha is an oral epic from the Bundelkhand area in the state of Uttar Pradesh. However, it is popular and performed across much of Northwest India. It is a martial epic, and tells a single story. It’s the story of brothers Alha and Udal, who belong to the Banaphar family, loyal to the ruler Parmal of the Chandel dynasty. The story is told and sung over fifty-two episodes, each called a larai, which means “battle.” Some episodes are about births and weddings, but most culminate in a larai. The underlying theme is that of the Chandels fighting Prithviraj Chauhan, a legendary king of the Chauhan dynasty. Prithviraj Chauhan is a major figure in Indian folklore and there are many medieval epic poems dedicated to him. Most of the Alha larais are about the Chandels defending the kingdom of Mahoba from Prithviraj Chauhan. The Chandels are eventually defeated by Prithviraj Chauhan. However, Prithviraj Chauhan is weakened by the battles, thereby demonstrating how powerful the Chandels are. The Alha is thus not an epic of victorious heroes like many martial epics. The heroes are praisied for their loyalty and valor. The Alha is also an example of a local oral epic that is linked to the great Indian epics. Alha is often referred to as the Mahabharata of the Kaliyug, comparing the Banaphar brothers to the Pandavas. The Alha epic was translated and published as the The lay of Alha: A Saga of Rajput Chivalry as Sung by Minstrels of Northern India. It was partly translated into English ballad meter by William Waterfield in 1923. The singing of the Alha epic is based on the Alha-Khand, a body of episodes that is passed down from generation to generation. Though there are published pamphlets available in current times, most people learn from their gurus in the traditional system of oral transmission. Alha epic poets and singers belong to akharas, and singers perform only the compositions of the poets of their own akharas. The Alha epic is normally sung by a group, with one singer following another. Traditionally, Alha is performed in villages during the monsoon, when there is no work in the fields. Though there are fifty-one episodes, only one larai is performed at a time, which may last one hour or the whole night. It is performed by men for all-male audiences. In recent times, competitions or pratiyogitas have been organized by State departments and other cultural bodies. As these cannot give the same space to each group, the performances are necessarily truncated. This has also led to the use of costumes and props, and sometimes acting out of episodes. This track from the epic of Alha, is an excerpt from the beginning of an episode titled “Kiratsagar Ki Larai.” In this episode, women are carrying wheat shoots in baskets on their heads to the Kiratsagar lake in Mahoba on the full moon of the Indian month of Sawan, when Prithviraj Chauhan attacks Mahoba. The Kiratsagar ki larai is part of the collection of the Alha recorded and collected by Karine Schomer, who is known for her considerable research on the Alha.
India 1983 -
Na sokalou vakavanua kei na lotu vaKarisito(Indigenous iTaukei Spirituality Contrasted with Christian Values and Beliefs)
This was performed by the late Professor Asesela Ravuvu from the University of the South Pacific. Prof. Ravuvu talks about indigenous iTaukei spirituality and its inherent values and contrasts it with Christianity, which was seen as a recent introduction at that time. Both ideologies serve as pillars in their value systems and culture.
Fiji
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Sufi Traditions of North India
CD3_SUFI TRADITIONS OF NORTH INDIA\n\nQawwali is a musical genre that shares general traits with the light classical music of North India and Pakistan but distinguishes itself by its religious function. The term Qawwali applies both to the musical genre and to the occasion of its performance, the devotional assembly of Islamic mysticism - or Sufism - in India and Pakistan. The practice of Qawwali extends throughout Muslim centers of the Indian subcontinent, but its roots are North Indian. Qawwali music is performed by qawwals, professional musicians who perform in groups led by one or two solo singers. Qawwals present mystical poetry in Persian, Hindi, and Urdu, alternating solo and group passages characterized by repetition and improvisation. Handclapping and drumming on the barrel-shaped dholak accompany the singers, and a small portable harmonium played by the lead singer highlights the song’s melody. Amir Khusro Dehlavi of the Chishti order of Sufis is credited with fusing the Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Indian musical traditions in the late-thirteenth century in India to create Qawwali as it is known today. The word Sama is often still used in Central Asia and Turkey to refer to forms very similar to Qawwali, while in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the formal name used for a session of Qawwali is Mehfil-e-Sama.\n\nQawwali is performed at the dargah, the shrines of Sufi saints, as well as in Sufi mehfils, which are commissioned performances. The structure and order of the songs vary in both these contexts. As will be seen, in many forms of Qawwali, an object of love, such as a god or a husband or wife, is portrayed and worshipped. Qawwali was popularized by Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, a Pakistani performer. And it has started to enter mainstream popular music thanks to the recent public interest in Sufi music. It is thus no longer purely devotional. There are many silsilas (orders) of Sufism and hence many forms of Qawwali. The recordings in this album are mainly of the Chishtiya silsila – the followers of the Sufi Saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti. Nizamuddin Auliya, also a Sufi saint, was his follower. The texts were written by Amir Khusrau and contain many references to these saints. This Qawwali party consists of seven or eight members. The group joins as a chorus and claps to add percussion. These recordings were made at Sufi shrines in the late 1970s by Regula Qureshi, one of the most famous scholars of this genre. Since they were recorded in a crowded area on the field, the tracks have disturbances and ambient noise. However, as recordings from an actual authentic context, they carry a lot of value.
India 2016 -
Ca Hue(the Hue Singing) in Central Vietnam
CD7_CA HUẾ (THE HUẾ SINGING) IN CENTRAL VIETNAM\n\nCa Huế (the Huế singing) was a special traditional chamber music in Huế, a central city of Vietnam. Ca Huế originated from royal music. “There was the chamber music, serving the Nguyễn Kings and their mothers”. At first, Ca Huế was the chamber music performed in the palaces of royal families, mandarins, and wealthy people. After that, it spread to common communities. Ca Huế has been gradually influenced by many Huế folk musical types. During its development, Ca Huế affected royal music; for example, ten bản Tàu musical pieces (or it can be called ten bản Ngự or Thập thủ liên hoàn) were played in sacrifice ceremonies or some occasions in the court by royal instrumentalists. Ca Huế is the essence mixture of folk music and royal music, which creates the special nuance satisfying the artistic demand of the elite intellectual class and the common class. As a result, in the past, during happy occasions such as New Year ceremonies, parties for celebrating promotions, or parties for opening new businesses, Ca Huế was organised at the private houses of mandarins, the elite class, and Huế common people.\n\nIn the past, participants of Ca Huế included only the elite class, mandarins, and the people with erudite literary knowledge and with the ability to compose beautiful and profound lyrics. They played instruments together and shared their thoughts through instrumental music and singing. The singing and the instrumental music of one person was the inspiration for the singing and the musical composition of another. Group members were also the audiences. They enjoyed their mutual talents respectfully. In recent years, Ca Huế has been performed on stage to also serve the common people. In this musical type, there is a clear classification between composers, performers, and audiences like professional music. The interactive relation among group members of Ca Huế chamber music can be presently only found in Ca Huế in private houses.
Viet Nam 2015
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Sample Data Ⅰ : Kerala, Rajasthan Cultural Atlas of India - Development of a web-based statewide database on the cultural resources of India
Kathakali (lit. story- play) is a highly sophisticated and stylized semi-classical dance drama prevalent all over Kerala. It evolved amalgamating features from all folk and classical performing art forms of Kerala. \nKathakali as a performing art evolved from Ramanattam. The King of Kottarakkara adapted eight episodes from the Ramayana as Ramanattam. However, in the 17th century, the King of Vettathu Nadu modified Ramanattam to develop a classical dance-drama, the Kathakali.\nKathakali derives its themes from the Indian epics, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Bhagavata Purana. The language used for the songs in Kathakali is a mixture of Malayalam and Sanskrit (manipravalam). For theatric communication, the actor uses dance movements, a codified language of gestures and facial expressions. Kathakali displays great dexterity and potential for the actor to show his histrionic and interpretative skills through resorting to an elaborate method of acting.\nThe performance of Kathakali follows a particular sequence. At dusk, the percussionists play their instruments to announce the event (keli). The traditional lamp is lit in front of the performing area (vilakku veppu). The horizontal drum is played to signal the commencement (arangu keli or suddha manddalam), and singers recite the invocation (sloka). \nTwo performers dance a ritual invocation behind the curtain, salute the deities. \nAnother prayer dance is performed in front of the curtain, followed by the ensemble of the drums (chenda, maddalam, chengila, elathalam). The actual story (katha) begins only after these preliminaries. \nIn Kathakali, the make-up and costume represent different traits of character. The colours are symbolic; green represents satwik (pious and virtuous characters); red patch on a green face to represent rajasi’(valorous characters); and a thadi (beard) is added to represents tamasic (evil traits of a character). Elaborate costumes and intricate face make-up In Kathakali is done to mask the human face and invest it with super-human characteristics. \nKathakali has transformed over the recent years from all-night performances in temples and other sites, to three-hour presentations in contemporary settings. The plays have become abridged to suit the tastes of a new audience.
India 2009 -
Alternative Identities: Masks of ASEAN and Korea Exhibition Catalog
This exhibition catalogue was published by ICHCAP and the KF ASEAN Culture House introducing exhibits unveiled at the “Alternative Identities: Masks of ASEAN and Korea” exhibition.\n\nMasks are representative pieces of a cultural heritage that has evolved throughout human history, transcending time and space. In particular, attention in masks, a human cultural heritage, is also increasing thanks to the November 2022 inclusion of “Talchum, Mask Dance Drama in the Republic of Korea” on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and the recent trend that pays attention to the meaning of “avatar” and “second character” in virtual reality. In this context, the diverse mask cultures of ASEAN and Korea offer an opportunity to explore cultural diversity and artistic values stemming from humanity’s universal aspirations.
South Korea 2023
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TRADITIONAL SPRING FESTIVE RITES OF KAZAKH HORSE BREEDERSA triad of spring festive rites—biye baylau, ayghyr kosu, and kymyz murundyk, identified and documented in Terisakkan Village in the northern outskirts of Ulytau District, Central Kazakhstan—is a testimony to nomadic culture surviving up to today. Regarded by its bearers as the most important annual festive event, it starts in early May with first spring warmth, new grass, flowers, and foals, opening a new year-round cycle of life reproduction and a new season of making koumiss, an ancient sacred drink.Year2017NationSouth Korea
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Thanaka: A Traditional Beauty Commodity in MyanmarThe cosmetic value of thanaka is nationally recognized in Myanmar. Extracted from trees, thanaka holds a high level of public trust due to its connection to the traditional life of Burmese people. In the past, thanakha was worn as a natural cosmetic concoction during the period of Myanmar kingdoms. During the monarchy period, lighter and more fragrant thanakha was used for royal families, and it was added with tiny gold powder while commoners used the pollen of flowers named gant gaw (Mesua ferrea). In addition to it being considered a beauty product, thanaka is also used by farmers and sun-exposed workers for sun protection.\n\nSince Myanmar is in a tropical climate zone, thanakha can give cool sensations and heal sunburns. When thanakha is applied on the face, it becomes a moisturizing treatment that primarily soothes the skin. It also has antibacterial properties that help clear the skin of pimples. As a result, thanaka paste is an essential part of our beauty routine. The glorification of thanaka is well-reflected in Myanmar’s idealization of beauty, particularly female beauty. The ideal woman is perceived to have a long hair, wearing Myanmar’s traditional attire, and using thanaka. This idealization is portrayed in media culture of the country, as well as in folk literature.\n\nPeople make thanaka throughout the Myanmar. Following simple traditional procedures, it is taken from thanaka tree (Limonia acidissma Linn). Ten-year-old thanaka trees are downed and made logs about fifteen centimeters long. Thanakha paste is extracted from the bark by grinding it with a bit of water on a stone slab called kyauk pyin, until it becomes a yellow paste. The yellow paste, thanaka, is kept in a small container for daily use.\n\nIn recent times, Myanmar has seen the proliferation of foreign cosmetic brands in the country, specifically in urban areas. Despite this, thanaka is still used by many and promoted by concerned associations, as it represents Myanmar culture. Although people in the countryside faithfully use thanaka, the collective perception of people about it as a cultural component of ideal beauty should not be missed in understanding the intangible heritage of Myanmar.\n\nPhoto 1 : Mother and son with thanakha ⓒ Pisi (U2 Photo Studio) photography\nPhoto 2 : Lady with thanakha at a five-day market in Hsi Hseng , Shan State ⓒ Mg Chit Pan (Taunggyi) photography\nPhoto 3 : Little boy with thanakha applied ⓒ Sai Moon (tgi) photographyYear2018NationMyanmar