ALL
boiling water
ICH Elements 15
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Sericulture and silk craftsmanship of China
Sericulture and Silk Craftsmanship refers to the craftsmanship applied in traditional sericulture, silk dyeing and weaving process, which has been handed down from generation to generation, and relevant folk-customs derived thereby. China’s sericulture and silk craftsmanship boasts a history of 5000 years. The silk fragments, preliminary loom and potteries decorated with silkworm patterns excavated from sites dating 4000 years ago in the Taihu Lake area; demonstrate the time-honoured history of the sericulture and silk production in the region. Alongside the historical process, traditional manufacturing craftsmanship develops, and the main elements include: Mulberry planting: including cultivation of mulberry seedling, mulberry trimming, and various methods of engraftment; Silkworm production: including the selection, hybridization, and breeding of silkworm eggs, incubation, instruments for silkworm rearing, control of the temperature and humidity, and frame mounting methods; Silk reeling: including sorting and stripping of cocoons, ways for preserving the cocoons such as drying and salting, temperature control and process for boiling the cocoons, facilities and techniques for silk reeling, etc; Silk floss making: including techniques of water rinsing and tearing; Weaving tools: including various looms such as treadle looms, multi-shaft and multi-treadle patterning looms, lesser draw looms, greater draw looms, etc, and arrangement of heddle drafts and programming of patterns on draw looms; Design and weaving of fabrics: including the design and weaving of various structures and patterns, such as the Shuanglin silk damask which is calendared by stamp rocks, the Hang gauze with warps crossed, the Shu silk with warp-faced patterns, the Song-style silk in lampas weave, and Kesi woven in tapestry structures.
China 2009 -
Lum medicinal bathing of Sowa Rigpa, knowledge and practices concerning life, health and illness prevention and treatment among the Tibetan people in China
The Lum Medicinal Bathing of Sowa Rigpa (Tibetan Medicine) has been developed by the Tibetan people within a life view based on Jungwa-nga (five elements) – i.e., Sa (earth), Chu (water), Me (fire), Lung (wind) and Namkha (space) – and a view about health and illness based on Nyepa-sum (three dynamics) – i.e., Lung, Tripa and Pekan. In Tibetan, “Lum” indicates the traditional knowledge and practices of bathing in natural hot springs, herbal water or steam to adjust the balance of mind and body, to ensure health and treat illnesses. Influenced by the Bon religion and Tibetan Buddhism, Lum embodies folk experiences in illness prevention and treatment, and reflects the transmission and development of traditional knowledge represented by the treatise Gyud zhi (the Four Tantras) in present-day health practice. Lum is practiced under the guidance of a Manpa (traditional physician) in two ways. One is bathing in Five Types of Hot Springs containing different minerals. The other, bathing with Five Medicinal Nectars, includes three methods: immersion, steam-bathing and applications with sachets. In this process, Manpa, in collaboration with Lum Jorkhan (pharmacist) and Manyok (Lum assistant), conducts symptom differentiation based on observation, questions and pulse palpation. Then preparation of medicines includes herb compound, boiling, fermentation and addition of extra herbs. The element has been transmitted over generations through daily life, religious rituals, folkloric activities and medical practices on account of its safety and accessibility. While providing Tibetans with a sense of identity and continuity, the element reflects cultural diversity and human creativity.
China 2018 -
Thagzo: The Art of Weaving
Thagzo or the art of weaving is one of the oldest and widely used skills that have been practised for ages. The all-encompassing use of textiles represents prestige, artistic skills, discipline, determination, familial sentiments, tangible form of asset, and expressions of devotion towards the dharma. Bhutanese textiles are the product of knowledge and skills developed and nurtured over centuries of experiences and family traditions. Our textiles are valued and renowned for their richness of colour, sophistication and variation of patterns, including the intricate fibre preparation, dyeing, weaving, and embroidery techniques. This rich and complex art of weaving is an inseparable part of our culture and history. Today, the wide availability of imported fibres and dyes are transforming the palette, textures, and surface qualities of the clothes produced. There are more than eleven types of yarns and dyes including the five main colours (white, yellow, red, green and blue) and six subsidiary colours (orange, dark green, light yellowish green, pink, light white, blue and black). These different colours are woven in accordance with different designs and patterns. Women from central and eastern regions of Bhutan are famous for their weaving skills and each region produces their own specialty. a. Weaving with Designs and Patterns: Every textile product has a name that expresses its particular combination of colour, design, pattern and fibre. Weaving pattern is either stripes - vertical for men, and horizontal for women in cotton, silk or wool. Required extra designs are made by adding warp threads. Patterns like the vajra (thunderbolt), the swastika, the tree or the wheel, each has symbolic meanings. Although the symbols used in Bhutanese textiles are primarily of geometric nature, they also have deep religious meanings. Some common geometric symbols include the dorje (Vajra), the drame (nets), the phenphenma (butterflies), the phub (Kiliya), the yudrung (Swastika), and the shinglo (leaves). The drame or the eternal knot is a classic Buddhist symbol. The phenphenma is a symbol of butterfly and the eight-pointed star, while the dorje or the thunderbolt represents the indestructible powers of Buddhism. The phub or the rainbow is a triangle pattern in successive rainbow colours. When dorje symbol is incorporated within the phub symbol, the pattern becomes dorje\u0002phub. The shinglo symbol is used mostly on the royal and noble family dresses since this symbol is the most difficult to weave. The shinglo symbol represents the “tree of life”. The therpochay ( Jana chagri) or the China Wall pattern is usually seen next to the phub design on kiras. The therpochay symbol is believed to have been derived from the designs on Chinese brocade. The yudrung portrays the crossroads where the four directions meet. A yudrung represents the balancing forces of the universe, when rotating. The yudrung is an ancient pattern and its epicentre is considered a spiritual place. Yudrung is depicted on the royal thrikheb as the centre most design. Bhutanese weavers usually weave two types of textiles; the plain woven meaning kar chang, and the pattern woven textile called metochem. These are described below. a.1. Karchang: The plain woven textiles include pangtse, mathra, sethra, adang mathra, shardang thara, and pe sar. Plain woven clothes are worn at home or work since they are cheaper than the pattern-woven clothes. Mathra (red pattern) is a varicolored plaid woven on a maroon or red field, sometimes woven with stripes (khaja) at the edges. Sethra (gold pattern) is a plaid weave usually with yellow or orange field as the dominant colour. Sethra has two popular colour combinations; red with black or blue plaid on a white field; and yellow, white and black on an orange field. Sethra dokhana consists of black colour in it while buechapgi sethra does not contain black. Thara has horizontal stripes with white as a dominant field. Shardang thara has multicoloured stripes while Samkhongma have narrow red-and-blue stripes, and Mondre which has a similar pattern to Samkhongma is worn mainly by older people in rural areas. Kamtham Jadrima is a striped textile with colours of the rainbow. Kamtham thara consists of simple warp stripes or plaids, which are gifted to a religious person. Pesar (new design) is a modern innovation with small patterns in striped plain cloth. Yu tham or the country cloth which is made of wild silk or cotton is very popular in the rural areas. Kawley is a completely black fabric of wool, which is believed to have healing properties. a.2. Meto Chem: Aikapur and Ku shu thara are the two specific kinds of pattern-woven textiles. Pattern-woven clothes are considered special, and are valued and saved for special occasions like festivals, marriages and for New Year celebrations. Bhutanese weavers weave many different types of clothes with intricate designs such as leaves, birds, trees and other animal patterns. These are briefly explained below. Aikapur: Aikapur is a textile woven of cotton or silk, and appears to be embroidered. Aikapur has double faced pattern bands called hor which alternate with rows of plain weave; with always an odd number of legs ‘kangpa’ or cross hatches. A textile is referred to as a b-sampa (with three legs; b-napa (with five legs); b-zumpa (with seven legs); b-gupa (with nine legs); b-songhthurpa (with eleven legs); and b-songsampa (with thirteen legs). Aikapur is differentiated by the colour of the background thread, and the supplementary thread used. The common colours used in aikapur are: dromchu chema, literally meaning ‘little boxes’, with red, green, yellow, and white pattern bands. Mentse mathra is a material with a yellow base, and with red and green stripes. Montha has a blue or black background with red pattern bands between colourful stripes. Lungserma has green and red pattern bands on a yellow background. Shinglo or ‘tree of life’ patterns made on the fabric are used to assess the quality of an aikapur. The delicate branches and leaves of these trees are inspected when judging the quality of a textile. Kushu Thara: Kushu thara used to be considered aristocratic and the most prestigious dress for women. Ku shu thara is woven from vegetable dyed cotton and raw silk (bura) or entirely from silk. Ku shu thara has spectacular brocade design which take up to a year to weave. Ku shu thara is always embellished on a white base, and a similar kira with a blue or black background is called ngosham .Sapma, the continuous weft patterns, and tingma, the alternative weft patterns are used as base pattern for kushuthara, ngosham or shinglochem. Shinglochem can be either a gho or a kira, woven with alternate rows of warp pattern bands. b. Weaving Materials: Bhutanese produce fibres such as raw cotton, wool, nettle fibre, yak hair and bura (raw silk). The most expensive and the most valued fibre in Bhutan is raw silk. The Bhutanese do not kill the silk worms that remain inside after spinning its cocoon, but are left until they escape, which breaks the thread before it is unrolled. That is why, Bhutanese raw silk feels and looks relatively coarse compared to Indian and Chinese silk. Several types of yarn like seshu (cultivated from mulberry silk moth Bombayx mori), bura (produced by wild non-mulberry silk moth), namdru kuep (parachute silk), and varieties of silk imported from India are notable. b.1. Nettle: Nettle or stinging nettle, though now rarely used, is said to have been the original and chief fibre used by weavers in ancient Bhutan. Nettle fibre is coarse but strong and durable. That is why people in villages used it to weave sacks, bags, kurel, pagi, pakhi, bundi and tabden. Owing to its strength it is also used as bow string. Nettle is herbaceous flowering plant that grows in temperate and sub-tropical zone. The plant grows up to 2 meters in height with spiny stems and leaves and bears white to yellowish flowers. Nettle bark contains baste fibre which is strong, smooth and light. In Bhutan, nettle fibres are harvested in the months of October and November. After peeling the stems, the fibres are dried, and then cooked with ash for about 6 hours. The fibres are then washed with cold water, and beaten in order to remove the outer cover. After removing the outer cover, the fibres are dried and dyed with natural dyes. The nettle plants are shredded, and twisted into thin fibres using a drop spindle. Nettle fibres are used to weave bundi or carry bag. Bundi is usually woven with brocaded yudrung motif at the centre of the middle panel, on a white colour base. The bundi or carry bag consists of three lengths of cloth sewn together to form a square panel. Ropes on the diagonal sides of this piece are tied together to carry possessions and bedding. b.2. Wool: Yarns from yak, sheep and goat wool are spun using phang (drop spindle) and moved to a chaphang (spinning wheel). The herders of the high valleys of Merak and Sakteng weave shingka (tunic-style dresses), women’s jackets and belts. They also make hats, ropes, tents, and bags out of yak hair, and floor mats and blankets from sheep wool. The Layap women’s dress includes a black woollen jacket, a long woollen skirt, adorned with lot of jewels, which often include teaspoons. Women also wear conical bamboo hats with a bamboo spike at the top, held by beaded bands. Shingka, an ancient tunic-style textile that was woven with either a ngoshingkha (blue) or a laushingkha (red) wool base, was worn by a high lama during religious ceremonies. Char khab, woven from wool (of yak or sheep) either on a pedal loom or back strap loom is used for protection from snow, cold, and rain. It is water-resistant and an essential item for the herders in cold the region. Sephu charkhab (rain cloaks from Sephu) is a colourful textile with bands of green, blue, white and orange. Bumthang and Trongsa were known for a woollen fabric called yathra, which was used as a cover from rain and cold. In the late 1990s, farmers in Trongsa had stopped raising sheep which inevitably put an end to the practise of weaving yathra. Yathra is used as bed covers, blankets, rain cloaks, cushion covers, sofa set covers, and as jackets for both men and women. b.3. Cotton: Kershing (cotton) is used to separate the cotton seeds, and then fluff out to make it ready for spinning into yarn with the help of a wooden spindle or spinning wheel. Usually cotton woven with traditional designs on white background, chagsi pangkheb was put on laps to wipe hands before and after meals by persons of higher positions. In the early days, Bhutanese women used to put on an apron-like wear called dongkheb as a sign of respect while approaching the king or a high official. Phechung is a cotton woven carry bag woven but its usage is now limited to ceremonial receptions along with chagsi pangkheb. Thrikheb (throne cover) is a rare textile used as the King’s throne cover. It is also used for the lamas during religious ceremonies. Chephur gyaltshen (banner with frills), gyaltshen (pair of cylindrical hangings with valance), bumgho (bumpa covers), kheb and tenkheb (altar covers),phen (pair of triangular topped hangings) and chephur (a pair of cylindrical hangings) are some of the other cloth products that are used in altars and monasteries. Hingthub is a time-consuming but highly cherished textile woven for loved ones or for use by the weaver or their ‘lord’. The finer product demonstrates the dedication of the weaver. It is also used by the weaver’s family or to stitch outer attire for statues or as wall hangings. Today most of the yarns for weaving like raw silk, cotton and acrylic are imported while some of the yarn is spun and processed locally. The availability of cheap machine spun yarns from India has overtaken the local cotton cultivation. b.4. Types of Loom: There are three types of looms used by weavers in Bhutan. Traditionally pangthag was the most commonly used loom for weaving larger size garments. The smaller version of this loom called kethag is used for weaving narrow items like belts. In the 1970s, another type of loom called thri-thag (khri-thags) was adopted from India. This loom gained popularity in the growing urban centres. This later type is a horizontal loom with pedals. Each region has a speciality in terms of designs and types. Kurtoe is known for Ku shu thara, while marthra and serthra are mostly produced in Bumthang. Trashigang district is well known for weaving aikapur, while pangkheb and montha come from Kheng. b.5. Dyes: Bhutanese weavers consider the coordination of pleasing colours more important than the designs, patterns and techniques. Strong taboos are associated with the dyeing process and the weavers are very particular about colour shades. They believe that malevolent spirits, certain weather conditions, strangers or pregnant women can ruin the dye. Like the weaving techniques, the recipes for dyeing are closely guarded family secrets and the formula is usually passed down from mother to daughter. There are a number of dye-yielding plants. Weavers obtain dyes using simple methods from barks, flowers, fruits, leaves, and roots of plants, and minerals. Today, chemical or synthetic dyes called tsho-sar are easily available while the natural dye is called tsho nying. They are easily recognisable by their hue. Some of the natural dyes obtained from plants are described below. - Indigo: Shades of green, purple, blue and black are obtained from leaves of trees locally called yangshaba (Strobilanthus flaccidifolius) in Tshangla dialect. Indigo (lndigofera spp.) plants are cultivated in household gardens as a source of blue dye. Alum earths, sour fruits, and dug shing (Symplocos) leaves are used as a mordant in dyeing to fix the colouring matter. Indigo plant leaves are fermented for two weeks, and then passed through acidic ash water. - Lac: Jatsho (Lacifer lacca) is an organic dye that produces colours ranging from pink to deep red. Lac is boiled in water until it becomes sticky dough. The pulp is mixed with roasted wheat and allowed to ferment for 10 days. The selected yarn is then put into the boiling mixture until the colour gets absorbed. Churoo (Phyllanthusemblica) is used as a fixating element in dye. - Madder: Dried stems and leaves of madder called tsoe (Rubia cordifolia) are chopped into small pieces. This material is boiled together with the yarn to produce several colours ranging from pink to deep red. It is good for dyeing raw silk, cotton and wool. Madder can be preserved in dry place for years. The ripe berries of berberis, locally called kepatsang (Berberis aristata) are used as a source of red colour, while the barks of nut of the walnut tree can be used to obtain orange colour in woollen yarns. - Pangtse: Leaves from pangtse shing (Symplocos paniculata) are gathered from the forest, which can be used fresh or dried, to make yellow colour .Pangtse leaves are boiled in water along with woollen yarns. The yarn is then allowed to drip. Sometimes, yung ga (Curcuma longa) or turmeric is also used to obtain a bright yellow colour. Lemon, also called churoo (Emblica officinalis), variety of other berries, herbs, plants, and roots are used along with alum mordant to boost colours in the yarn. However, since dyed yarns from India are available at cheaper price, only a few Bhutanese weavers practise the tradition of natural dyeing processes these days.
Bhutan -
Ambil (salt)
"Salt" is an essential ingredient for many kinds of foods and helps keep the human body strong and healthy. Not only that, salt is also used in many other ways, in everyday life, in the food and cosmetics industry, and in spiritual ceremony. To this day, Cambodia does not have to worry about finding salt ores, as there are coastal provinces that can produce enough salt to supply the country's consumption. In the past, the people who live along the seaside traditionally made salt by extracting seawater and boiling it into salt, and that production was only for family use, not for sale. Then, in 1941-1942, a Cambodian named Poch deforested Ang Kol area (now in Phnom Leav commune, Kampong Trach district, Kampot province) to produce salt. At that time, he brought a Chinese man named Cheng from Bassac district (Kampuchea Krom) who knew how to make salt to help. Later, other businessmen came to do this business, so the salt production became more and more widespread until it reached the factory for processing salt. Some people in that area can grow rice and harvest salt because rice planting and salt production are done in different seasons. Rice is grown in rainy season and salt is produced in the dry season. The salt evaporation fields are generally inactive after the New Year. The way to cultivate salt fields is that they first need a fairly large amount of land near the sea, because they have to drain salt water into a large dam called“Srae Hal” or salt evaporation field. After that, they have fields that are built with dams next to each other, continuing inside the mainland. The salinity of the salt is calculated by measuring the salinity with a thermometer. The water in the dry field has a salinity of only "level 2". Then the water is left to "sleep" overnight in the dry field and then drained into the next field, where the salinity level rises to 5 degrees. "If the salinity level reaches "level 2" no plants can grow, not even sea fish can survive, and the bottom of the field is unusually hot. The water at this point is only around 4cm deep. The next day, it was drained to another field, when the salinity level reached "10". This was done until the end of the field, where the salinity level had risen to “level 25”, and a lump of salt appeared. The last field is called "cooked field," and the salt that is formed is called “Grow”. The work here is called “cultivating salt”. They have to hurry to "collect" and put it in storage every day, otherwise, the salt will freeze. When it is around 8cm high and the salt will harden like a rock. The hotter the day, the faster the water evaporates, and the faster the salt grows. The water is very hot, can reach 45 degrees. When collecting salt every day, sometimes it rains. If it rains a little or moderately, it does not cause any major problems, but if it rains too much, fresh water is drained through a canal. Drainage is not difficult because fresh water is lighter than salt water, so fresh water is on the surface. On the other hand, if fresh water is not drained, it will cause moss to grow suddenly. That is why the first thing to do is to clean the canals and clean all the fields so that there is no moss and then compress the soil. The salt depot must be built from plants such as wood or bamboo, etc. If metal is used, it will be rusty.
Cambodia
ICH Materials 75
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Koto-tisi (Cooking Venomous Beans)
In the rugged landscapes of Timor-Leste, where dry seasons can stretch long and food insecurity remains a reality for many, the people have long relied on their deep knowledge of wild, resilient crops. Among them is Koto-Tisi—a hard, dark wild bean that offers vital sustenance but must be carefully prepared to remove its natural toxins. What might appear at first glance to be just another seed is, in fact, a symbol of survival, ecological wisdom, and ancestral resilience.\n\nThe bean is typically found growing on hardy, thorny shrubs or climbing vines in semi-wild areas. It is gathered primarily by women, who know when the pods are ready to be picked and how to handle them safely. The challenge lies not in harvesting but in transforming Koto-Tisi into something edible—an intricate cooking process that has been passed down through generations.\n\nPreparation begins with repeated boiling and rinsing, sometimes up to five or six times. Each round helps to leach out the toxic compounds present in the bean. The water must be discarded each time, and the beans carefully watched to ensure that they soften without disintegrating. After boiling, the beans are often sun-dried and stored for later use, to be boiled again before eating or ground into a starchy paste.\n\nThe process is labor-intensive and demands both patience and precision. Elders in the community emphasize that the knowledge of how to process Koto-Tisi is not written in books—it lives in memory, movement, and the rhythms of daily life. To rush the process or ignore the sequence could lead to poisoning. For this reason, children are taught to observe closely, assisting their mothers or grandmothers and gradually learning the delicate balance between danger and nourishment.\n\nIn times of drought, scarcity, or natural disaster, Koto-Tisi becomes a lifeline. Its ability to grow in harsh conditions, with little water or care, makes it a dependable fallback when cultivated crops fail. But it is more than a survival food—it is also a testament to how culture and ecology intertwine. The knowledge required to use it safely reflects a deep respect for the land, a skillset honed through centuries of careful experimentation and oral transmission.\n\nToday, as dietary patterns change and imported food becomes more available, the practice of preparing Koto-Tisi is fading in some areas. But in others, it remains a respected tradition—especially among elders who see it not only as food but as a story, a ritual, and a reminder of community strength in the face of adversity.
Timor 2024 -
Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.
India 2019
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3rd APHEN-ICH International Seminar Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific
Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.
South Korea 2021 -
The Traditional Musical Instruments on Myanmar
The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.
Myanmar 2014
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ICH Courier Vol.10 ICH AND NEW YEAR FESTIVALS
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 10 is 'ICH AND NEW YEAR FESTIVALS.'
South Korea 2011 -
Sample Data Ⅱ : Nagaland, Orissa Cultural Atlas of India - Development of a web-based statewide database on the cultural resources of India
The early history of the Nagas is shrouded in obscurity and many theories abound of their origin and migration. How and when they came to settle in the north‐eastern region of India is an unsettled question. \nSeveral traditions exist within the multi‐ethnic Naga communities on their origins. \nAccording to the oral traditions passed down through songs, folklore and word of mouth the Ao emerged from six stones at Long‐terok, which exists to this day near Chungliyimti, the first legendry settlement of the Ao. ‘Long’ meaning stone and ‘Terok’ six, refers to the six stones from which emerged three pairs of male and female progenitors whom the Ao claim to be their ancestors. The Ao is distinguished with two phratries –Chongli and Mongsen. The Chongli claim that the three males and females who emerged at Longtrok were Tongpok and his sister Lendina, Longpok with his sister Yongmenala and Longjakrep with his sister Elongshe. They were the first human beings who emerged at Longtrok. \nEach male member along with his sister formed the three phratries of the Chongli. \nTongpok founded the Imsong‐Pongen clan, Longpok the Longkumer clan and Longjakrep with his sister founded the Jamir clan respectively. The three siblings intermarried and through these marriages, the Ao clans came into existence and a well‐ knitted clan exogamy marriage evolved that is followed to this day.
India 2009
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History and Transmission of Korean Lacquer CraftsHuman has made great progress beyond the speed of biological evolution by using tools. First, human used stones and wood as tools for hunting and gathering, and then invented earth-baked earthenware such as bowls for food, appropriate to farming life. The defects of woodenware and earthenware, however, were obvious. It was not able to contain liquid due to their moisture absorbency, and easily damaged. Earthenware has evolved into glazed ceramic but it required a high-tech kiln with high temperature, accompanied by a technology for metal refining as a key prerequisite. In East Asia, moisture proof and insect proof techniques to coat objects were invented much earlier. That is lacquer technique.\nProduction process of lacquer is delicate and complicated such as handling lacquer sap at the risk of skin disease, creating hot and humid environment for hardening process, etc. Nevertheless, in East Asia, people have used lacquer technique in many regions from the Neolithic Age, knowing its merits earlier on. Lacquer was used for adhesive and surface protection of leather, earthenware, ceramics and metalware. In particular, it has been inextricably linked to wooden objects. Whereas in West Asia and Europe various varnishes mixed with dry oil and resin has been used, in East Asia lacquer was used as a basic varnish in common. That shows that lacquer is great material and technique to represent the commonality of Asian culture.1) This article aims to briefly look into the origin of lacquer technique in Northeast Asia and share the information on it and its current status of transmission.Year2021NationSouth Korea
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ONGAEL (DELALAKAR), THE MOTHER OF MEDICINEBefore modern hospitals appeared in Palau, German and Spanish missionaries brought medicines in the form of powder, tablets, and capsules. The local people were amazed to see such medicine and believed the medicine was from western gods. The reason for this belief is routed in history. Before western contact, people believed that illnesses were a result of curses, displeased gods, or the breaking of taboos. Traditional medicines were believed to restore health and vitality by breaking the curse, appeasing the gods, or restoring the spirit from a broken taboo.Year2012NationSouth Korea