ichLinks

Dikir Barat
Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.

#song #quatrain #story #harvest #wedding

Malaysia

Thai Agricultural system knowledge
Thai society in its way of life as well as in the commodities of its trade has been an agricultural one since in the ancient times. As a consequence of centuries of practice, farmers and orchardists have developed localized forms of wisdom and know-how on the cultivation of a variety of crops. A crucial element of this know-how lies in the mastery of irrigation methods used to maximize the productivity of the fields and orchards. The management of the water supplied by the Chaophraya river and the strong seasonal rainfalls was crucial to convert the plentiful sunlight provided by the tropical climate into rich harvests. Among the techniques that the farmers and orchardists developed, the most important way in which the flow of the Chaophraya’s nutrient-rich water to the fields was regulated was by the digging of irrigation ditches. The traditional ditch that was used most widely had its origin in southern China, from where significant numbers of Chinese immigrated to Siam during the Ayutthaya period. This technique can be used both as a way to prepare soil for cultivation and to sustainably regulate water supply to the plants. In the particular case of Bangkok, with its proximity to the sea, it is also a water management process through which the gardener can maintain the balance between fresh water, salt water and brackish water. The gardener will work to regulate the proportions of these three sources of water within their garden by purposefully designing the ditch channels without harming their crops. The wisdom behind the raised garden with a ditch and dike system consists of many small connecting canals dug by the farmers within the turf soil to fertilize the trees. The trees are planted in an elevated plot to prevent flooding during the rainy season. This knowledge of making high-ridge agricultural plots where the soil is dug in lanes is called “Oak Rong” and “Thong Rong”. Besides, the gardens’ water systems were connected to rivers and streams of the public water system.

Thailand

Dikir Barat
Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.

#song #quatrain #story #harvest #wedding

Malaysia

Pithi Chol Mlub (Rite of passage: Seclusion of a Girl at Puberty)
Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

Cambodia

Lbaeng Veay Kon Koal (Khmer Traditional Golf Game)
“Lbaeng Veay Kon Koal” is a kind of game that is played in many countries. They have played the game from ancient times to the present day, especially in India. This game has two types: "Horseback Rider" and "Pedestrian Runner". But today in Cambodia, this horse-riding golf is gone, no one has ever seen or heard of it, only the sculpture on the terrace of the north corner of Angkor Thom, which is probably built during the late 12th century or early 13th century. On foot, golf is still played today, for example, in Prek Sangke village, Koh Sor Tin district, Kampong Cham, and Kampong Speu provinces. This Veay Kon Koal game can be called in different names by different districts or regions across Cambodia. Those names are "Veay Kon Koal", "Veay Bror Dum" or “Leng Pek.” To play the game, People have to divide themselves into two groups to compete like in football. The number of people is not limited, more or less, depending on whether there are people or not. This game is often played in rice fields or farm fields that have been harvested, along the wide trails or sometimes in the fields with water up below the knee. The main equipment for this game is golf/ball and sticks. The golf (or so-called "Kon Bror Dum" are usually made of light spruce wood, such as Derm Ror Lous or Derm Kor Chang to be rounded and dried. Otherwise, they use coconut or palm fruit. The sticks or hooks for beating, are made from the branch of a palm tree or Kandol tree, Sangke tree, Trabek tree, Krasang tree or any wood that as big as the size of Kid’s wrist. The stick should be smooth and the grip should bend in order to make it easy to hold or they can use Russey Ping Pung, Russey Prech, Russey Prei, Pdoa which has a curve trunk. This game can be played both day and night, and if played at night, they burn the golf ball almost become live coal, which is then called the "fireball". Before playing, they set a "goal" on either side of each group, depending on the size of the yard, and plugged in a piece of wood to mark the place. At the start of the game, both teams line up facing each other with golf balls which is in the middle of the playing field and each team has to choose a representative to stand in the middle in front of the golf ball. Then the two of them hold the stick and raise the interface or confront each other to be ready "Kae", hit gently, changing from right to left and from left to right 3 times. Then both players hit the ball and run past the opponent’s goal. If the player runs past any team, that team is lose. This game does not allow the players to use their hands, but they can use their feet, instead. The game will be in vain and the golf ball will have to be Kae again.

Cambodia

Lbaeng Veay Kon Koal (Khmer Traditional Golf Game)
“Lbaeng Veay Kon Koal” is a kind of game that is played in many countries. They have played the game from ancient times to the present day, especially in India. This game has two types: "Horseback Rider" and "Pedestrian Runner". But today in Cambodia, this horse-riding golf is gone, no one has ever seen or heard of it, only the sculpture on the terrace of the north corner of Angkor Thom, which is probably built during the late 12th century or early 13th century. On foot, golf is still played today, for example, in Prek Sangke village, Koh Sor Tin district, Kampong Cham, and Kampong Speu provinces. This Veay Kon Koal game can be called in different names by different districts or regions across Cambodia. Those names are "Veay Kon Koal", "Veay Bror Dum" or “Leng Pek.” To play the game, People have to divide themselves into two groups to compete like in football. The number of people is not limited, more or less, depending on whether there are people or not. This game is often played in rice fields or farm fields that have been harvested, along the wide trails or sometimes in the fields with water up below the knee. The main equipment for this game is golf/ball and sticks. The golf (or so-called "Kon Bror Dum" are usually made of light spruce wood, such as Derm Ror Lous or Derm Kor Chang to be rounded and dried. Otherwise, they use coconut or palm fruit. The sticks or hooks for beating, are made from the branch of a palm tree or Kandol tree, Sangke tree, Trabek tree, Krasang tree or any wood that as big as the size of Kid’s wrist. The stick should be smooth and the grip should bend in order to make it easy to hold or they can use Russey Ping Pung, Russey Prech, Russey Prei, Pdoa which has a curve trunk. This game can be played both day and night, and if played at night, they burn the golf ball almost become live coal, which is then called the "fireball". Before playing, they set a "goal" on either side of each group, depending on the size of the yard, and plugged in a piece of wood to mark the place. At the start of the game, both teams line up facing each other with golf balls which is in the middle of the playing field and each team has to choose a representative to stand in the middle in front of the golf ball. Then the two of them hold the stick and raise the interface or confront each other to be ready "Kae", hit gently, changing from right to left and from left to right 3 times. Then both players hit the ball and run past the opponent’s goal. If the player runs past any team, that team is lose. This game does not allow the players to use their hands, but they can use their feet, instead. The game will be in vain and the golf ball will have to be Kae again.

Cambodia

TIAPAPATA ART CENTRE
Tiapapata Art Centre exists and is registered with the government of Samoa as a charitable trust, a nonprofit organization promoting traditional and contemporary arts and crafts. Its patron is His Highness Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese, Head of State of Samoa. With its vision of establishing a model art school fostering creative excellence in Samoa and the Pacific, the Tiapapata Art Centre’s mission is to provide an accessible and dynamic learning and creative environment that facilitates the achievement of educational, professional, and personal goals of students, artists in residence, and teaching staff in an atmosphere that fosters excellence in creativity, diversity, and innovation.\nThe Tiapapata Art Centre recognises the importance of Samoa’s intangible cultural heritage as expressed in its traditional arts and crafts, and the center is actively involved in promoting an understanding of this heritage through photography and films. Galumalemana, with the support of the Tiapapata Art Centre, has produced several films exploring Samoa’s creative economy. O le Aganuu Manogi a Sāmoa explores making and using fragrant coconut oil; Ole Aso ma le Fīliga, o le Aso ma le Mata’igātila examines using natural fibers in Samoa; tanoa features the making of the traditional wooden bowls used to serve ceremonial drinks called ‘ava; and tatau depicts the art of Samoan tattooing.

Samoa

Young man demonstrating skills of climbing a coconut tree_UNESCO G.Thelomar

Young man demonstrating skills of climbing a coconut tree_UNESCO G.Thelomar

Inspired Crafts of Samoa_Beating coconut husks at Saleimoa
Logoa'i Kamisi and Sulusi Mulia are from the village of Lotoso'a, Saleimoa, where sennit had not been made for many years. Despite this, the process could still be recalled.

Samoa

Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

India 2019

Color of Joy
At the end of the year, the color of the festival takes place on the hillside. Zoom crops are grown around the house to indigenous peoples' and they take part in many ritualistic conduct. From the depths of the mountains, there is a tune of joy. Chakma, Marma, Tripura remember God as their yearbook festival. nThe festive begin the day before the Chaitra songkranti, goes on to1st Baisakh. Chakma girls go out to collect flowers at night for Ful Biju. Silently steal flowers for puja offerings.\nThe next morning, get started flower immersion and worship of the god Ista. At dawn, at Khomong Koria, everyone comes to the group in the morning to worship.For the contentment of the god, they float the flowers that collected last night.\nOn the day of Vaisu Sankri, the Tripuras worship God Shiva.They believe He come down to earth on this day. In his contentment, goodness and wrath came down, in His anger, shortages and pestilences. The bamboo scissors are cut and made to symbolize the god Goria,hang yarn, pant, zoom crop, cotton wrap. The culture of Tripura is evolving on the life of the zoom crop. Therefore, the life of the hill region can be seen in Garia dance.\nThe Sangrai goddess brings good luck and welfare to the people from heaven to the earth. The Sangrai festival started at the moment of her come down. The main attraction of Sangrai is Jolkheli. Marma's belief that the water thrown in the Jolkheli washed away the past year's misery, sin. The New Year is accepted in a holy way. If a young woman likes each other, then the couple express their love throwing water on each other. Through this, their social bond is strengthened.\nBuddha bath is done in water mixed with coconut water and sandalwood. Then starts puja. The yearbook festival of the inhabitants ends with a wish for the good and peace of the world.

Bangladesh 2019

Color of Joy
At the end of the year, the color of the festival takes place on the hillside. Zoom crops are grown around the house to indigenous peoples' and they take part in many ritualistic conduct. From the depths of the mountains, there is a tune of joy. Chakma, Marma, Tripura remember God as their yearbook festival. nThe festive begin the day before the Chaitra songkranti, goes on to1st Baisakh. Chakma girls go out to collect flowers at night for Ful Biju. Silently steal flowers for puja offerings.\nThe next morning, get started flower immersion and worship of the god Ista. At dawn, at Khomong Koria, everyone comes to the group in the morning to worship.For the contentment of the god, they float the flowers that collected last night.\nOn the day of Vaisu Sankri, the Tripuras worship God Shiva.They believe He come down to earth on this day. In his contentment, goodness and wrath came down, in His anger, shortages and pestilences. The bamboo scissors are cut and made to symbolize the god Goria,hang yarn, pant, zoom crop, cotton wrap. The culture of Tripura is evolving on the life of the zoom crop. Therefore, the life of the hill region can be seen in Garia dance.\nThe Sangrai goddess brings good luck and welfare to the people from heaven to the earth. The Sangrai festival started at the moment of her come down. The main attraction of Sangrai is Jolkheli. Marma's belief that the water thrown in the Jolkheli washed away the past year's misery, sin. The New Year is accepted in a holy way. If a young woman likes each other, then the couple express their love throwing water on each other. Through this, their social bond is strengthened.\nBuddha bath is done in water mixed with coconut water and sandalwood. Then starts puja. The yearbook festival of the inhabitants ends with a wish for the good and peace of the world.

Bangladesh 2019

coconut