ALL
couples
ICH Elements 16
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The telling tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/MollaNesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/ Nasriddin Afandi anecdotes
The Telling Tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/Molla Nesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/Nasriddin Afandi Anecdotes is an intangible cultural heritage element on social practices and festivals related to the tradition of telling anecdotes. It is transmitted orally among generations and is shaped around Nasreddin who became a symbol of humor and wisdom. Although there are slight differences about images, names and anecdotes of Nasreddin in communities, the main features of the element have been shared as a common heritage in the Submitting States. Communities acknowledge that he was a wise person who analyzed the society well and gathered shared intelligence, thought and life experience of people in his own personality. The anecdotes of him are short and intensive narrations transmitted through oral tradition and written sources, attributed to Nasreddin whose reputation spread to the wide geographical area. Some of the anecdotes have become classic, and the epigrams of these anecdotes have turned into idioms and proverbs in time. His anecdotes are intensely practiced in the printed and visual media as well as in the oral tradition and especially in the programs prepared for children. In the anecdotes of Nasreddin, the components of wisdom, repartee, witticism, common sense, absurdity and surprise merged firm and these are distinguishing features of the anecdotes. Nasreddin breaks very often accepted norms and concepts, while finding an extraordinary way out of the situation, where he is always the winner, by the power of word. Anecdotes call for humor, satire, sarcasm, and cynicism, to reveal the negative traits of people. However, the anecdotes is a genre with an instructive, entertaining function, a profound meaning that ends with moral, intellectual, and logical results. His anecdotes include relations of different people and their behaviors in various situations. Through his anecdotes, all kinds of unpleasant behaviors are being criticized and judged through humor. Communities in the Submitting States enrich conversations with his anecdotes and support speeches with his witticism. His anecdotes are narrated easily by everyone to strengthen any thought by giving examples in the dailylife, to convince other people or to explain a situation. In some Submitting States, although there is no specific narrator or teller of these anecdotes, the artists of traditional theatre use the element to enrich their narratives and to entertain people. On the other hand, there are specific tellers of the anecdotes in some Submitting States (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). The anecdote tellers select words and perform with great care. In this sense, it mostly depends on knowledge, understanding, thinking, performance culture and skill of the performer to tell anecdotes in meaningful, impressive and funny way. It is important for performer to know various life situations, possess an impressive culture of speech, and make use effectively and skillfully his face, eye, hand, and body movements. In Submitting States, local administrations, municipalities, universities and NGOs which play significant roles in transmission of the element, organize various activities and festivals periodically for commemoration of Nasreddin at local, national and international levels. Public participation in these festivals and activities is considerably high.
Azerbaijan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022
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Birth Ceremony of Lhop Communities
Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.
Bhutan -
The Culture and Custom of the Melanau Ethnic: The ‘Bebayoh’ Custom
The Melanau ethnic is one of the biggest in Sarawak living in the Mukah area. Some are Muslims and some Christians. Those that still practice animism worship the Ipok ‘spirit’, the manifestation of the strength and power of nature. Ipok consists of Ipok Laut (Sea Ipok), Ipok Balau (Jungle Ipok), Ipok Sarauang (Sky Ipok) and Ipok Iyang (Soil Ipok). On the first night the faith healer is alone in his house after being told that someone has fallen ill. The faith healer bargains with the ‘spirit’ including obtaining the spirit’s requests for the Bebayoh ritual. The second day involves the sick and the faith healer at the faith healer’s house or at the sick person’s premises depending on the spirit’s request. On the night itself the faith healer informs the sick person’s family about the spirit’s requests. The preparation begins in the evening of the following day. The Seladai Dance is then performed. The substances for the Bebayoh ritual are young leaves such as the betel nut leaves, jasmine flower, incense, a drum, candle, and glass fragments on a white cloth. Incense is burnt to start the ritual with mantras recited by the faith healer in the language of the faith healer’s spirit and that of the Ipok, at the same time hitting the drum used to detect the sick person’s illness. The candle is lighted inside the drum and then placed on the faith healer’s face. Other musicians play the rest of the musical instruments such as drum, kulintangan and gongs. After detecting the illness, the faith healer swallows the candle. The betel nut leaves are then swayed on the sick person’s body. The Ipok’s spirit enters the sick person’s body to cure him. Then the sick person steps on the glass fragments. The Seladai dance is then performed by seven unmarried couples with the faith healer circling the dancers with the isem pesai (a kind of young leaves). The sick person has to undergo abcentism like he is forbidden to consume stingray and shark, as well as beans and eggs. On final evening (the seventh day) is the end of the treatment. The sick person has to prepare the ‘payment’ to the faith healer that includes gold, a small spear (made of bone – as the spirit’s food), and a live chicken.
Malaysia -
Serga Mathang and Khothkin: Cross-cousin Marriage.
In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.
Bhutan
ICH Materials 69
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Kyz kuumay, Issuk Kul region, Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyzstan -
Kyz-Kuumai
In the past, the game was a wedding custom, the essence of which boils down to the fact that the groom riding a horse must catch up with the galloping bride. The bride was given the best horse, and she started the race first. The groom must catch up with the bride and kiss her at a gallop, with this he not only proved his love for her, but also secured the right to marry.
Kyrgyzstan
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China - Sai Nai Mu
Sai Nai Mu (赛乃姆) is a folk dance rooted in the lives, customs, characteristics and clothing of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, China. It has been widely transmitted among ordinary people in an agrarian environment. The dance moves also contain many motions from their daily lives, such as holding the hat, folding up the sleeves, dragging the skirt, and touching the chest while looking far away. A characteristic move is head shaking, moving the neck left and right. The knees are used fluidly to give a sensation of lightness and agility.\n\nThe Uyghurs dance the Sai Nai Mu on joyful occasions such as festivals or weddings. There is no set order for the format and movements, being impromptu and free in spirit. Although it is usually danced in couples, there is no restriction to the number of people and anyone can join in. The music is lyrical and elegant, but can shift to a more exuberant rhythm and pace according to the atmosphere of the moment.\n\nThe Uyghurs are a Turkic ethnic group which used to be active in the Mongolian highlands and Central Asia and currently reside mainly in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in Northwestern China. The Sai Nai Mu of the Uyghurs is a national grade intangible heritage registered in the Chinese Cultural Heritage and a compulsory subject in the middle school curriculum of China.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Utilizes movements in the daily lives of people in an agrarian culture\n∙Head shaking by moving the neck moving side to side\n\nPerformed by Yanbian Heumjung Dance Company\nDirected by Kim Yeong-hwa\nChoreographed by Kim Yeong-hwa
China Aug 27, 2017 -
Suzaniduzi—Folk Embroidery
Embroidery a favorite hobby of Tajik women, being practiced in various forms and styles in different parts of Tajikistan. Suzaniduzi is a popular form of embroidered needlework. Initially, a naqsh (drawing) is outlined on cloth and later is embroidered with colorful thread, according to the taste of the embroiderer. Every suzaniduzi pattern has a specific meaning. Most naqsh are inspired by nature. The patterns have ceremonial significance, and that’s why most of them are prepared for brides and the house of newlywed couples.
Tajikistan 2017
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Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley_Alla (Katta Ashuka)
Katta Ashula (a song performed with a plate) is specific to the Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan. Usually, it is performed a cappella by two to five singers of the same vocal range who use a plate or tray to project their voices in different ways. In most cases, Katta Ashula is performed by singers with a high-pitched, wide-ranging voice, and these are some of the distinguishing features of the complex performance style. Katta Ashula developed from basic traditional events in history, from labour songs, and from different styles of ghazal verses. Usually, Katta Ashula is performed in big gatherings, festivities, and party celebrations.\n\nKatta Ashula songs were performed professionally and further developed by famous Khofizes such as Erkaqori Karimov, Turdiali Ergashev, Matbuva Sattorov, Jo'rakhon Sultonov, Mamurjon Uzoqov, Boltaboy Rajabov, Orif Alimakhsumov, Fattohkhon Mamadaliev, Jo' rakhon Yusupov, and Khamroqulqory To'raqulov. Today, Katta Ashula is masterfully performed by experienced singers with the highest skill, such as Khalima Nosirova, Munojot Yo'lchieva, Ismoil and Isroil Vakhobovs, and Mahmud Tojiboev.
Uzbekistan 2015 -
Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley_Alla (Lapar)
Lapar performing arts, as an ancient folklore genre of people’s creation, has a rich history. Lapar songs are performed by famous artists during holidays, public festivities, and wedding parties as well as in a bride’s house in the evening during ‘Girls’ Evening’, ‘Girls’ Party’, and ‘Lapar Night’. Girls and boys perform Lapar songs composed of four-lined ghazals in two groups. Through Lapar songs, girls and boys express their love for each other, make decisions, and take oaths. They sing their heart’s grief with a certain melody but without any music. If both the girl and the boy who are singing Lapar fall in love with each other, they present gifts to one another. If the boys present flowers to girls, the girls present a kerchief, belt-kerchief, handkerchief, perfume, or some other gift.\n\nLapar songs are mainly composed of four-lined verses and are performed in the form of a dialogue between two parties. If they resemble o'lan songs from these features, they are distinguished by the ideas, literary references, descriptive objects, and the lifestyle that are sung in the lyrics- the level of thought is more highly developed by images. \n\nLapar songs were performed and became increasingly better known through the work of famous Lapar singers, such as Lutfikhonim Sarimsoqova, Tamarakhonim, Lizakhonim Petrosova, Gavkhar Rakhimova, Oykhon Yoqubova, Guishan Otaboyeva, To'khtakhon Nazarova, Qunduzkhon Egamberdiyeva, and others. To pay more attention to Lapar and o'lan songs, to collect them, to support the performers, and to publicise their creative work to the broader community, the Traditional Republican Festival of Lapar and O'lan performers is regularly conducted by the Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan.\n\n\n\n
Uzbekistan 2015
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ICH Courier Vol.18 TRADITIONAL FERMENTED FOOD
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 18 is 'TRADITIONAL FERMENTED FOOD'.
South Korea 2013 -
ICH Courier Vol.36 Traditional Embroidery
ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 36 is 'Traditional Embroidery.'
South Korea 2018
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Sacred Sites as a Living Heritage and Sources of Spiritual EnrichmentHills resembling a dragon tail, composed of arenaceous soft mud stretching for several miles, scarce but fresh and lush vegetation, springs with ice-cold water spouting from the heart of the earth, waves of the salty lake gently crashing against the shore, magnificent white clouds soaring up in the sky and the numerous pilgrims, lined up one by one, treading right upon the “dragon tail” and making their pilgrimage through the sacred site Manjyly-Ata.Year2019NationSouth Korea
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Session 3: ICH safeguarding and community developmentCo-orgarnized by ICHCAP and Hue Monuments Conservation Centre (HMCC), this year’s Asia-Pacific ICH NGO Conference was held in Hue, Vietnam under the theme of ICH NGOs towards Sustainable Development of Communities.Year2018NationIndia,Myanmar ,Pakistan,United States of America,Viet Nam