Chun-di-ru is an indigenous song of Choekhorling community that is revered as part of the cultural identity of the south-eastern Bhutanese community. Oral tradition traces the practice to the establishment of monarchy system in Bhutan. Since the content of the lyrics praises he ornaments worn by Azhi (Queen) Sonam Tshotsho. Sources recollect that the song was said to originate from either Bumthang or Trongsa, then the capital city of Bhutan in early 1900s. The song is similar to a Zhung-dra (an indigenous folk song) which is normally danced in a standing position with women forming a single row, though men can also participate in the dance if they choose. While there is no specific platform to showcase the song, locals say it is performed in all community ceremonies as well as for visiting guests. The song had been neither documented nor the lyrics written down until recently. The tradition has been transmitted orally, making it an endangered cultural element since elders have witnessed youth paying less interest and rarely participating. The song is listed as a performing art. Chondi-ru is one of few indigenous songs that represents and identity of Choekhorling community within Choekhorling Gewog (block), Nganglam Dungkhag, in Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district) of southeast Bhutan. The song has a historical connection passed down as orally from forefathers to the present generation. According to oral accounts, the song originated from Bumthang or Trongsa during the First King Ugyen Wangchuck’s reign. Supposedly, the song composed by Armo (maid) Her Majesty’s attendant who offered her baby to Her Majesty by praising her splendid ornaments she was wearing. Since then, the song was preformed and sung widely by the attendants, as well as by business men and commoners. Tax collectors and traders are assumed to have carried the existence of the song and its performance to communities. The song has since completely disappeared from folk recollections of Bumthang and Trongsa. Judging by the song’s lyric and comparing it to other songs of various nearby communities: of Trashigang district and Martshala under Samdrub Chholing Dungkhag, Samdrupjongkhar district; the Chundri-ru lyric has a mixture of classical Bhutanese language Dzongkha, and some typical Tshangla language terms used for ornaments, the tune is quite distinctive as well. Besides the Chundi-ru song, there are also a few old songs which fall under the classification of Boe-dra (folk song) and Zhung-dra (the indigenous folk song) of spiritual, enjoyment, praise and romantic content.

LAPITA In 1917, Maurice Piroutet a French geologist discovered pottery shards along the coast of Fouē in the province of Konē in New Caledonia. The design was similar to the tapa motifs in the Lau group today. The pottery fragments were named after the beach from it was found. The name then was extended to all places in the Pacific in which the shards were found. HOW OLD ARE THE RELICS. There is geological and archaeological evidence of a certain group of people who navigated the Pacific Ocean with distinctive pottery design known as Lapita. Science and carbon dating can determine the age of a relic and the year in which the owner inhabited an island. WHO WERE THE LAPITA PEOPLE? Researchers found that prior to the habitation of the Pacific, a group of people called the Austronesians existed. They are identified through their language family. During those days, the language was not so diverse as today. 3,500 years ago they navigated the Pacific Ocean with their double-hulled canoes called the Drua. Evidence stipulated that these people originated from South China. They brought with them a distinctive pottery design, domesticated animals such as pigs, chicken, dogs and geminated trees such as breadfruit. They are the inhabitants of today’s Madagascar, South East Asia, Bismarck Archipelago near Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, New Caledonia, Fiji, Samoa, Hawaii, Rapanui and New Zealand.

Fiji is blessed because of its rich and diverse culture and traditional protocol. The manifestation of these cultures and traditional protocols are embedded in the indigenous language. It is also embedded in the traditional protocol the ceremony of nurturing child. This ceremony expresses the love of the vanua towards a child; outlines the ways of the vanua on how a child should be nurtured and cared for. It seeks the blessing of the vanua toward the child so they may grow and have a prosperous life and serving their community.

Naqqāli is an Iranian traditional theatre form, having originated in ancient Iran. This dramatic performance concerns telling of a story, history or non-history based, in a variety of genres. It is done either in verse or prose and accompanied by gestures and movements appropriate to the event related. Iran enjoys a long tradition of Naqqāli. This tradition was called “Gowsān” during Parthians (3rd BC-3rd AD). “Gowsān”s (the reciters) acted as entertainers to both kings and ordinary people. Under the Sassanids (3rd-7th AD), Naqqāli was highly regarded at court, where it used to be called “Xonyāgari”. Following the collapse of the Sassanid, these reciters emmigrated to remote areas to keep the tradition alive. In ancient times, they used to recite narrative poems, play musical instruments, sing, and act. Naqqāli is the oldest form of dramatic performance in Iran. Historically, it has adopted itself with socio-political circumstances. Before the Sassanid(651 AD), Naqqāls were poets and musicians simultaneously. They recited stories along with playing instruments. Bārbad was the most renown Naqqāl of the Sassanid. During Ghaznavids(10th-12th AD), the Court banned musical Naqqāli. But the tradition survived in remote areas. Two important events occurred during the Safavid period (16th-18th AD): establishment of coffee-houses and applying “Parde”. Parde introduced a new style in Naqqāli, and coffee-houses became exclusive venues for Naqqāls for, at least, 300 years. Up to several decades ago, great coffee-houses hired Naqqāls. Unfortunately, the strong influence of western culture and break down of the old traditions caused a decline in popularity of coffee-houses; consequently, Naqqāl's lost their traditional audiences During the Islamic period, such reciters were known under various names; such names had their origin in the types of the repertory of the tales they recited. One example is, so called, “Shāhnāme-Xān”s, who were specialized in reciting tales from Shāhnāme, the great Persian epic by Ferdowsi. This naming style can still be traced. In addition to Persian literature, Naqqāls needed to be acquainted with expressions referring to the local culture, or the Iranian traditional/folk music. Thus, they functioned as both entertainers, and bearers of Persian literature and culture, while encouraging national cohesion. Nowadays, the language of recited narrations is not limited to Persian; these tales are allowed to be narrated in regional dialects or languages. Up to several years ago they were the most important guardians of folk-tales, ethnic- epics and Iranian folk music. Naqqāli requires considerable talent; no one can arrive at eminence in this line except men of cultivated taste and retentive memory. They must not only be acquainted with the best ancient and modern stories, but be able to change them in relation to new incidents, either heard or invented. They must also recollect the finest texts of poetry, which they may quote from. The audience are normally acquainted with the tale, so the Naqqāl requires the charm in his performance, an attractive voice quality, as well as skill in acting to captivate them. The Naqqāl is alone in performing a rich range of roles, such as those of kings, queens, warriors, princesses, beggars, etc, convincingly. He is even a master in producing sound effects, including horse galloping, fencing ,etc. Master Naqqāls, even, are well equipped with a knowledge of Iranian sports, while they recite skills in wrestling and fencing, among others. There are two groups of practitioners, the Professional and the Seasonal. They may perform in coffee-houses, tents of nomads, houses, and historical places like ancient caravanserais. The Professionals, who are few in number now, earn their living from Naqqāli; seasonals have other occupations, too. Nowadays, professional Naqqāls are mostly invited for official ceremonies sponsored by municipalities or governmental institutes. Seasonal Naqqāls mostly perform in regional ceremonies like wedding parties, or even mourning ceremonies. However, both groups have been invited for Iranian Ritual-Traditional Theatre Festivals since the very beginning of its establishment. Naqqāls, especially Morsheds (master Naqqāls), wear costumes reminiscent of Dervishes cloths. They may, even, use ancient helmets, or armoured jackets in the middle of the performance, to create a sense of reality for the battle scenes. Their multifunctional canes may represent a wide range of motifs, including a beautiful beloved, a horse, a sword, etc. “Parde”, used by some Naqqāls, is a painted curtain in the Coffee-House-Style. Having preserved all the logical, religious and traditional styles, it has flourished as a sign of respect for popular beliefs. The painters have been messengers of light and impossible dreams. Due to the fact that this unique theatrical performance always presents one of the deepest and genuine layers of the national Iranian culture, its protection will definitely serve to safeguard the national and historical roots of it. Besides, it can be a source of inspiration for literary figures and artists all around the world. Every form of art is a unique language faciliating peaceful communication among different cultures. In this regard, Naqqāli should be considered as an international heirtage in urgent need for safeguarding.

Iran 2011