In all submitting states, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving includes series of practices traditional knowledge, skills and crafts of the communities concerned related to growing mulberry trees, breeding silkworms, producing silk threads, for weaving and other purposes. Farmers grow mulberry trees that provide leaves upon which the worms feed, then produce silkworm eggs and ensure care of the silkworm (feeding with mulberry leaves) from the egg stage until the completion of the cocoon (turning matured silkworms to cocoons). Communities then produce silk by reeling from the silk threads, weave silk fabrics and use the fabrics in crafts. Craftspeople of both genders produce raw silk by means of raising larvae, particularly those of the domesticated silkworm to form the cocoon within which the larvae develop. The silkworm builds its cocoon by surrounding itself with a long fibre or filament. Fed by fresh mulberry leaves, silkworms start to spin their silken cocoons after 26-28 days. The whole process begins in March to September depending on the climate. The cocoons are collected before pupa pierces its cocoon and then those collected cocoons are dried. Silk containing sericin is called “raw silk”. The gummy substance is usually retained until the yarn or fabric stage and is removed by boiling the silk in soap and water. Communities then bathe cocoons which then soften and allow for the peak of the thread to be obtained. In order to obtain raw silk, several cocoons that gave the threads are put on reeling process at the same time. In order to clean up and to dry, obtained raw silk is taken from reel and hanged on the reed. In the preparation for the weaving process, people twist threads and unwind warps. After drawing-in and wimple is made ready, the weaving process begins. In order to remove cerasine fabrics, woven with raw silk yarn, people boil the fabrics in water containing soap. After boiling process, communities color and trace the fabrics by using various traditional methods. Craftspeople use the silk threads to create various types of craft products, such as fabrics, carpets. The products of silk are very much appreciated within the communities, who use them at various social and cultural occasions, including weddings, funerals and family gatherings. Deeply rooted in the traditions of the Great Silk Road, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving are an expression of cultural identity, centuries-old traditions and a symbol of social cohesion. While the silk trade has been carried out throughout the centuries, it has allowed spreading the silk culture, health and science among communities of the submitting states. In all submitting states silk functions as the symbol of splendor, elegance and spring. In all submitting states, silk producers are mostly villagers and they work cooperatively and they have special ceremonies for silk when it is produced.

Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,Iran,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

Bài Chòi is a form of entertaining card playing in the form of answering questions. In Bình Định, there are three forms of Bài Chòi: "story" Bài Chòi with a backdrop and theater; Bài Chòi "class"/ "mat" takes place on the mat and the Bài Chòi playing festival. Among them, the Bài Chòi festival has the largest scale, taking place during Tet holidays in the village communal house yard or a large, flat areas of land, near residential areas and markets. Nine or eleven houses with thatched roofs, made of bamboo and cork, are erected in a U shape during a Bài Chòi celebration. Cái hut is the name of the hut at the bottom of the U. Leading the game are the "Hiệu", people who are knowledgeable and good at male singing, guest singing, Lý singing, etc, know many poems, and folk songs, know how to make jokes, and at the same time, respond quickly, sitting in the Cái hut. They draw a card from the tube, hold it up, and sing a riddle about the name of the card, called Hô Thai. Players buy 3 cards and sit on huts to wait. If all 3 cards match the cards named by "Hiệu", then you win, receive a reward, and end the game. Bình Định Bài Chòi Art has musical accompaniment from erhu, duet, trumpet, and war drum. The "Hiệu" when shouting or singing must follow the rhythm of the musical instruments, especially the war drums. Players can also compete in singing and responding with "Hiệu", creating cheerful laughter and optimism for participants.

Viet Nam 2017

Although the origin of yak breeding in Nubri is not known, it can be stated that it has been practiced there for a very long time. The villagers get almost all their needs from the yaks. Milk is the most important product obtained from the yaks. It is consumed either raw or boiled. Raw milk is also used to make tea, and it is also sold or bartered. Milk can also be used to make butter, which fetches a good price. There are two types of butter production: churning and machine processing. In churning, butter is traditionally made in a wooden vessel. In machine production, modern technology, a milk separator, is used to extract butter. Cheese and hard cheeses are also a good source of income for livestock farmers. Then the whey is used. Of all the products obtained from yak, Phe-lu is another unique traditional dish. Phe-lu is a sticky substance that tastes like aged cheese and is specially made from the milk of Bjim (female yaks). There are two types of Phe-lu: one made from milk and the other from curd. Phe-lu made from milk is considered better because cheese made from curd can easily turn into zoedey (fermented cheese). For a kilogram of milk Phe-lu, one gets about 800 to 1000 Ngultrum (Bhutanese currency), and for a kilogram of curd Phe-lu, slightly less, about 600 Ngultrum. It is usually produced in the highland areas where people depend mainly on livestock and dairy products. Phe-lu is a remarkable representation of nomadic life. It shows how nomads subsist only on milk, but in different ways, either by selling it or consuming it directly. In Paro Dzongkhag, Tsento Gewog is located in a highland area where yaks are raised and dairy products are either sold or bartered. Phe-lu, which is made from yak milk, is produced in Tsento Gewog. Phe-lu is mostly made in the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th months of the Bhutanese calendar.

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011