Traditional labor folksong performed during reaping wheat.

As ritualized practices devoted to disaster-averting and peace-pleading, Ong Chun Ceremony widely spreads along the coastal areas both in Minnan, China and Melaka, Malaysia. It is practiced by the communities with both commonness and localities. In Minnan, it mostly takes place every three or four years when the northeast monsoon arrives in autumn; while in Melaka, it is preferentially held in the dry season of the lunar leap year, both starting on an auspicious day meticulously selected and lasting for days or months. The element is rooted in folk belief and customs of worshiping Ong Yah, the deity reverently acknowledged as Tye Tian Soon Siew Ong Yah, among the coastal communities. Local inhabitants believe that, Ong Yah is appointed as commissioner by the Heaven to protect people and their lands from disasters on regular patrols of inspection. Those who lost their lives at sea, respected as “good brothers,” become wandering souls lonely and homeless. Rituals for welcoming and escorting Ong Yah at regular intervals are therefore held for his visit to the land and rescuing “good brothers.”

China,Malaysia 2020

Traditional knowledge, techniques and process to produce “Washi” -Japanese hand-made paper have been transmitted through generations since the 8th century. It has been used not only for writing letters and making books, but also for home interiors such as paper screens, room dividers and sliding doors. While three communities (The Sekishu-Banshi Craftsmen’s Association, the Association for the Preservation of Hon-minoshi Papermaking and the Hosokawa-shi Craftsmen’s Association) have shared their traditional production process; using Kozo plant (mulberry family) as a raw material, soaking its skins in clear river water, placing loose Kozo fibers in thickened water and filtering them with a bamboo-screen, each community has developed their own techniques such that each Washi has its own specific feature. Following the introduction in the 19th Century of low-cost machine-made paper and the modernization of peoples’ lifestyles and consumption patterns, the production and use of Washi was extensively affected. However, people of the concerned communities considered Washi-making techniques as their important cultural heritage and continued to make Washi to meet both traditional and new consumers’ demands such as modern interiors. Most of the inhabitants of the three communities have been playing some roles in keeping this craftsmanship viable, ranging from the cultivation of Kozo, training of the techniques, creation of new forms of products to promotion of Washi domestically and internationally. Today their lives centre around Washi, acting as a catalyst of their social cohesion, identity and pride affirmation. Furthermore these communities have built strong ties between and among them by exchanging information and experiences with a view to cooperating with each other.

Japan 2014

Raiho-shin rituals take place annually in various regions of Japan on days that mark the year’s beginning or days when seasons change. Such rituals stem from folk beliefs that deities from the outer world—Raiho-shin—visit communities and usher in the new year or new season with happiness and good luck. Local people dressed as deities in outlandish costumes and frightening masks visit houses, admonishing the lazy and teaching children to behave well. The head of the household treats the deities to a special meal to conclude the visit. In some communities, the rituals are held in the streets. Because the rituals have developed in regions with different social and historical contexts, they are diverse in form. For example, Suneka of Yoshihama have abalone shells dangling from their hips, whereas Kasedori of Mishima wear bamboo hats. The various appearances reflect different regional characteristics. The people who play a role as Raiho-shin also vary regionally. In some communities, men of a certain age become Raiho-shin, and in others, women play such roles. By performing the rituals, local people—notably children—have their identities molded; they develop a sense of affiliation to the community and strengthen ties among themselves. In accordance with their ancestors’ teachings, community members share responsibilities and cooperate in preparing and performing the rituals. Some prepare masks and costumes, some play a role as Raiho-shin, and others welcome Raiho-shin into their houses. Only when this ritual is over can community members look forward to a year free from misfortune.

Japan 2018

Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).

One of the uniqueness of Mongolian wrestling is wrestling costumes which consist of a hat, zodog (jacket), shuudag (briefs), boots, stockings and boots’ bindings. Zodog (jacket) and shuudag (brief) are a traditional costume of Mongolian wrestlers. The costimes made of silk, textiles and stitched with pliable and strong threads afford a wrestler the ability to hold his opponent during the wrestling bout. Zodog and shuudag adapt themselves to the shape of wrestler’s brawny body. This tight costume greatly affords a wrestler’s comfort to move as well. Only a few specialized masters craft the zodog and shuudag by their hands.

Fried red anion. This kind of dish will be prepared for breakfasts in winter season.

The Masked Dance of the Drametse community is a sacred dance performed during the Drametse festival in honor of Guru Padmasambhava, a Buddhist master. The dance performance also commemorates the founder of the Tegchok Namdroel Ogyen Choeling Monastery, Ani Choeten Zangmo; and venerable Khedurp Kuenga Gyeltshen (1505-/) who introduced the Masked Dance. These two are the eldest daughter and the fourth son respectively of the great treasure revealer, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-1521). According to oral accounts, Drametse Ngacham was introduced in 1518, just three years before the death of Pema Lingpa. The name of the mask dance is derived from the Drametse village community, which falls within the Drametse gewog village block of Mongar Dzongkhag district in the eastern part of Bhutan. The term Ngacham refers to the dance implements held by performers, a hand-held circular flat drum and mallet. Tegchok Namdroel Ogyen Choeling Monastery was established in 1530. The three-day Drametse Tshechu festival takes place twice a year, organized by the monastery administration. The dancers include monks from the monastery as well as laymen. The origin of the mask dance, its characteristic choreography, masks, and costumes are specified in detail in the Kabum, Collected Works, of Pema Lingpa. Pema Lingpa have seven siblings and Sangdag is one of his sons who fathered Tenzin Chogyal and gave birth to Ani (Nun) Choeten Zangmo. Therefore, Ani Choeten Zangmo is the great grand daughter of Pema Lingpa. Though Ani Choeten Zangmo has no intention to indulge in the leading a family, she was forced to marry Yeshey Gyalpo, son of Sumthrang Choeje Sherab Drakpa. Driven by her destiny, she became renunciate and later established her permanent seat at Drametse where she recognized a place of peace and tranquility, Dra-me “No Obstructions” to her meditational practices at the summit of a Tse, small ridge. During her stay, her brother Kuenga Gyeltshen who is popularly known as Khedrub Kuenga Wangpo visited her. Kuenga Wangpo is highly revered by spiritual masters for his outstanding philosophical knowledge and realization of the true nature of mind, thus he was given a title of Khedrup, great and realized scholar. He encountered Guru Padmasambhava several times while in meditational states, and had visited Zangdok Pelri, the Copper Colored Mountain, spiritual realm of Guru Padmasambhava. While staying at Drametse, an auspicious event happened in his early morning meditation on the 17th day of the 8th month of Iron Male Tiger year 1530—while the Drametse Lhakhang Monastery was under construction. In this state, three khadroma celestial maidens with white complexion, decorated with colorful silken robes, ornaments and flower garlands, invited Kuenga Wangpo to Zangdok Pelri, saying they had come to take him for a tour of the realm’s palaces. He asked, “What should I take for the long journey?” The maiden responded, “While you are experiencing pure vision without doubts, come along with us.” They took him to the realm, and into a palace called Pema yoe ki Phodrang where Kuenga Wangpo saw King Indra Bhuti. Then the maidens took Kuenga Wangpo to the majestic palace of Zangdok Pelri, where he saw Guru Padmasambhava in a youthful form smiling and telling him “I am happy to see you here.” Instantly, Guru manifested to a Jalue, Rainbow Body, and thereupon Kuenga Wangpo was entertained by a splendid dance performed by many gods and goddesses transforming themselves into Dampa Rigja (Hundred Guardian Deities); forty-two peaceful forms, and others in wrathful appearance or in human form with various animals’ heads. All wore exquisite robes and a melodious sound of Choe-ngai dra, Buddhist teachings, resonated from the beating of their drums. It is also believed that the sound of the drum signifies victory over evils and celebrates joy as Buddha’s teachings flourish. Kuenga Wangpo was then told to introduce this dance in Jigten me-yul, the human realm, and that conducting the Masked Dance would liberate sentient beings. Coming out of this meditation, he jotted down the detailed choreography, masks, and costumes. The first introduction of this Masked Dance was at the sacred place of Drametse, thus giving it the name Drametse Ngacham. Due to the significance embedded in the dance, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) who unified Bhutan as a country, the successive Je Khenpo spiritual leaders, as well as the Druk Desi temporary leaders—these spiritual masters and farsighted monarchs all propagated the Masked Dance across various monasteries and Dzong fortresses around the country.

Bhutan 2008

Traditional Balinese dances are performed by male and female dancers dressed in exquisite traditional costumes consisting of brightly coloured cloths painted with gold motifs of flora and fauna, and gold leafed and jewelled accessories. The dances are inspired by nature and symbolize the traditions, customs and religious values, composed in four elements: agem, basic body posture with knees turned out and stocmach pushed in; tandang, locomotive movements in different tempo and directions; tangkis, transitional movements with dynamic changes; and tangkep, facial expression with eyes movements showing happiness, sadness, anger, love, fear, etc. They are accompanied by music of Balinese gamelan instruments with symphonic poems that contain moral messages taken from religious teachings. Dancers portray various characters as strong or refine male role, female role, and mixed role. For Balinese, dance is a part of religious ceremonies conducted periodically according to the Balinese calendar. A dancer should also have taksu, charisma, a special spiritual energy which makes the performance become alive (dynamic). Balinese dances can be categorized as Wali (sacred), Bebali (semi-sacred) or Balih-balihan (entertainment). The three categories is applied with respect all over Bali using different dance forms according to the principle of desa (place), kala (time), and patra (occasion). In Balinese communities, dances are mainly transmitted informally to children from early ages in traditional groups (sekaa) and at formal schools in various levels. Traditional Balinese dances are rich in noble values and are an important part of the Balinese cultural heritage and identity, now studied almost all over Indonesia.

Indonesia 2015

Boodog is a delicacy in Mongolia. We treat our guests with it. In order to make boodog, a goat is choked without cutting the pit of stomach of goat. All the bones and entrails of the dead goat are removed through the neck skin. Then seasoned meat is stuffed through the neck into the boneless skin. In such manner, the hot roundish stones and seasoned meat are stuffed alternatively. The seasoned meat consists of onion, allium mongolicum and pepper. Then a bit of water is added into the boneless skin. Then we tie the neck of the boneless skin with rope of horse's hair up tightly and place the boneless skin on hot cow dung, turning it in various directions. Those hot roundish stones roast the meat and its skin. We place it on the hot embers and wash it with water. During these periods we take vapours from the neck of the boneless skin. The taste of this meat is delicious; its stock is good for those suffering from mental fatigue. It is good for health if you roll the warm stone on your fingers balls.

Salburyn is a festive event and an important component of Kazakh equestrian hunting with falcons and tazy greyhounds. It is a traditional ritual of transmitting hunting knowledge from skilled hunters to beginners and apprentice participants. Salburyn lasts 5-7 days, it is held in the winter hunting season. It is conducted at a large open space where the participants establish a camp of Kazakh yurts and tents as common areas. During the initial 2-3 days the experienced hunters share their knowledge and hunting methodology with young hunters. The hunting commences in the early morning after the elders give their blessing (bata). First part is compiled of pathfinders (yz kesushi) who read the game traces and establish the hunting ways. Participants split into the groups compiled of both more and less experienced hunters. Golden eagle hunters (berkutchi) detect the target and throw the eagle vectoring their flight trajectory with the hand movement. The tazy greyhounds are used in pairs. Some hunters are employing both eagles and tazy together. The triumphal celebration is organized for the hunters returning back, where elder women shower them with sweets. The hunters then bestow the pray to the elders hunters.

In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.