The name Zhana Ngacham comes from the zhana (black hats) worn by the dancers and the use of the ngachung (small drum) during the Cham performance. It is another form of Zhana Cham (black hat dance). Usually, the dance is performed mainly by monks in dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples during Tshechu (annual mask dance festival) and also during Drubchen (large ritual ceremonies). However, sometimes the dancers are replaced by lay people if there are no monastic facilities in the community. The dance falls under the category of Tsun cham (monastic mask dance performances). The dancers wear a long brocade robe called phoegho with long and wide sleeve ends, a dorji gong (a crossed vajra collar) over the shoulder, and two phoe-cho or phoe-tog, a horn-like tool attached to either side of the hips that helps the robe turn smoothly and elegantly as the dancers twirl. The distinctive feature of the Black Hat dance is the black, spherical hat with decorations in the shape of a human skull and peacock quill, and Thro-pang, an angry face wrapped around the front of the abdomen. Zhana Ngacham is usually performed by 21 dancers under the direction of Cham-pon (dance leader) and Cham-jug (deputy leader). In the seventeenth century, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) is revered for giving more importance to the performance of such dances and including them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (mask dances, proportions mandala drawing and ritual intonation) to establish them in the field of cultural heritage in Bhutan.

One of the most entertaining mask dances is the Ging Tsholing Cham, where most of the audience, especially the children, are captivated by the intensifying drum beats and the fighting scene of the Cham ritual dance. The mask dance is also called Tro-ging, a local name, because it provides an entertaining presentation and performance for the audience. Ging represents the wrathful appearance of celestial beings, daka and dakinis; those dances are performed by laymen called Boecham pa. Whereas Tshogling is the emanation of guardian deities of Dharma protectors, including the Four Kings of the cardinal points and the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses; these roles are usually performed by Tsun cham pa monks. According to literary sources, the mask dance was introduced by Terton, treasure revealer, Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) after he saw the performance at Zangdok Pelri, the copper-colored mountain and spiritual realm of Guru Padmasambhava. Pema Lingpa, who was one of the fortunate incarnate beings of Guru Padmasambhava, met his enlightened master several times: when he predicted the future, when he gave him the list of treasures to be discovered in disguise, when he guided him to the sites to be discovered, and as he often invited him into his realm during meditation states and in dreams. On one such occasion, in the magnificent palace of Rang-jung Trulpai Phodrang, self-formed palace, he saw the Root Master manifesting in Ja-lue rainbow body or wisdom body, from which millions of his forms emerged, filling the three realms of the universe, which is beyond our imagination. Among the magical representations, the enlightened sages of India and Tibet sit in the right row and the scholars sit in the left row. In between them sit the 108 treasure discoverers, who are incarnations of Guru Padmasambhava and his 25 chief disciples. A cloud of gods and goddesses transformed into one hundred Dampa Rigja Protective Deities– forty-two peaceful forms, and fifty-eight in Ging wrathful appearance–they made various sensuous offerings, including the performance of Dorji-lugar Vajra Dances, dancing upon the air, rejoicing in the participation in the preaching of the coinage doctrine. Outside the entrance gate of the Four Directions are thousands of warriors from the Pho-jued and Mo-jued male and female classes of protecting deities, the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses, led by the kings of the Four Directions Tshoglings, who are getting ready to overcome obstacles to the sacred teachings. In the war scene between the Gings and the Tshoglings, the aggressive characters of the Tshoglings, and the drum beats of the Gings arouse a sense of fear in the obstacles and samaya oath breakers, guiding them to follow the righteous path of humanity. A similar performance was originally introduced by Guru Padmasambhava to aid Tibet’s King Thrisong Detsen (c. 755-797 or 804 AD). Padmasambhava used his supernatural powers at the great Samye Monastery in Tibet, he manifested in the form of Ging and Tshogling, producing an immense positive force to fight and subdue the evil spirits that hindered the construction of the monastery. With the obstacles overcome, the site became an important part of establishing the teachings of the Buddha in the region. After seeing the spectacular performance and realizing its benefits for the liberation of sentient beings, Pema Lingpa introduced the sacred mask dance to Jigten me-yul the human world, first at Korphu Temple, one of his seats in Trongsa, central Bhutan. There is still a saying that goes, "If you are not sure about the choreographies of Ging Tsholing or Tro-ging, you should visit Korphu Drub." Korphu Drub is the annual mask dance festival that coincides with the temple's dedication ceremony. Due to the importance of the dance, this mask dance was later introduced in most Tshechu, Rabney, Mewang, Mani, Drub, Drubchen (native names for the annual mask dance festival) of forts, monasteries and temples by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) who unified Bhutan as a country, the successive spiritual leaders of the Je Khenpo as well as the temporary leaders of the Druk Desi - these spiritual masters and far-sighted monarchs.

Mudiyettu is a ritualistic art form of Kerala based on the mythological tale of battle between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika. It is a community ritual in which the entire village participates. After the summer crops have been harvested, the villagers reach the temple early in the morning on an appointed day. The traditional performers of Mudiyettu having purified themselves through fasting and prayers, proceed to draw on the temple floor a huge image of goddess Kali called 'Kalam' with coloured powder obtained from organic material. Kalam helps the performers imbue the spirit of the goddess. This is followed by an enactment of Kali-Darika myth, where Kali eventually vanquishes the demon. Mudiyettu performance which is said to herald the dawn of peaceful and prosperous new year, purifies and rejuvenates the whole community. It is performed annually in 'Bhagavati Kavus'', the temples of the goddess in different villages of Kerala along the rivers, Chalakkudy Puzha, Periyar and Moovattupuzha among thenMarar and Kurup communities. Mudiyettu combines in itself the mythic, the ritual, the festive and the ecological aspects of the community. At the same time it is an expression of aesthetic and creative aspirations of the community.

India 2010

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013

Float festivals are communal festive events in which all members of the communities get together to pray for peace in the communities and protection from disasters. At the heart of the festivals is the procession of floats bearing creative decorations that showcase the diversity of local cultures. Community members derive their pride and identity from the float festivals that are the biggest single festive event of the year for them. The oldest float festival dates back to the 9th century, but most of the festivals began after the 17th century and spread to various regions. Local people in these regions then modified the festivals with their own creativity. Floats are huge constructs pulled or shouldered by members of communities. They are inhabited by the gods honored in the festivals or are meant to entertain and appease these gods. The techniques of making and repairing floats have been transmitted for centuries by craftsmen such as carpenters, lacquer artisans and dyers. Furthermore, efforts are made to preserve the natural environment when securing materials for the floats; these sustainable methods have been handed down through many generations. The festivals’ most significant feature is the communities’ devotion to the preparation and celebration of the festivals. Community members including men, women, the young and the elders share their tasks and responsibilities all year around preparing for the float festivals, the most important event of the year for them. Float festivals therefore foster communication and teamwork between community members, and play vital roles in uniting them.

Japan 2016

Gamelan is the percussion orchestra of Indonesia. Gamelan is a set of traditional music instruments mostly made of hand-forged metal (bronze, brass, and iron). Gamelan consist of slab-type (wilahan) instruments: saron/sarun/pemade, demung/sarun ganal, gender/kiliningan, slenthem/selentem/jegogan, peking/sarun paking/kantilan, kecrek/keprak, and gong-type (pencon) instruments: gong, kempul, kenong, bonang, trompong, kethuk, and kempyang. Other instruments, e.g., zither and seruling (bamboo flute). Gamelan instruments are played by beating (gong, saron, demung, slenthem, kecer); plucking and strumming (siter, kecapi, rebab); tapping (kendang); and blowing (flute). The pitch and tuning of gamelan are slendro and/or pelog (pentatonic and/or heptatonic), each has its own frequency and interval pattern. Lower and higher pitched instrument pairs, together, they produce Indonesian Gamelan melodies, which resonate the sound of ombak (beats) or pelayangan (vibrato). Gamelan music has its own techniques and forms, i.e., one melody performed simultaneously by the different instruments (heterophony), the technique of interlocking multiple instruments to structure their rhythms (interlocking part), and the rhythmic and metric patterns of beat and punctuation (colotomic punctuation). Gamelan is used for human life-cycle rituals and ceremonies, mental-health therapy and other purposes, e.g., to refine character, develop life skills, increase study concentration, self-confidence and motivation. As entertainment, Gamelan is performed at music concerts, theatres, and other artistic expressions. Archaeological evidence of gamelan was found in the bas-reliefs of the 8th-century Borobudur temple. Gamelan is widely known in Indonesia and abroad.

Indonesia 2021

The Ramman is a form of traditional ritual theatre celebrated every year in the courtyard of the temple of Bhumiyal Devta situated in Saloor Dungra Village in Painkhanda valley of Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India. The village deity of Saloor Dungra is Bhumichetrapal, also known as Bhumiyal Devta. Historical accounts of the preexisting tradition are available since 1911. In the Hindu month, Baisakh (April-May), on the sankranti day, Bhumiyal Devta comes out in a procession to the temple. On the second day of the festival, people offer hariyali (sprouted barley plants), to the deity, which has ecological reference. Every day, the Bhumiyal Devta takes a round of the village. The main components of the masked performance are as follows: ▶Celestial Aspect -Dance of Ganesh-Kalinki (Parvati) -The dance of Sun God: Enactment of creation-myth and birth of Brahma and Ganesh. -Bur Deva (Narad): Rani-Radhika dance. -Bur Deva Raja dances along with Gopi Chand (Sri Krishna) and Rani Radhika (Gopis) on different beats and gestures. ▶Temporal Mwar-Mwarin Dance: The dance shows the travails of the buffalo herders in their hazardous journey through the jungle to the hills. A tiger is shown attacking and injuring the Mwar. Baniya-Baniyain Nritya (Dance of the Trader-Couple): It shows hardships of the common people. The episode shows robbers attacking and looting the merchant couple. ▶Performance The performance then shifts towards the enactment of the local Ramkatha, the core Rama story. Episodes from Rama’s life are sung. The dance is performed on 18 different beats yielding a total 324 beats and steps. The episodes enacted and sung are: -Ram-Lakshman’s visit to Janakpur -Sita’s Swyamwar -Hanuman Milan (Meeting with Hanuman) -Swarna Mrig Vadh (killing of the Golden deer) -Sita Haran (Abduction of Sita) -Lanka Dahan (Burning of Lanka) -Raj Tilak (Coronation ) There are other dances and episodes like Maal Nritya, Koorjogi and Narsingh Pattar Nritya. ▶Historical Aspect -Maal Nritya: Rama story is followed by the historical battle between the Gurkhas of Nepal and the local Garhwalis. Two dancers carrying weapons move on to the central performing arena, enacting a battle scene. They are comical in looks, attire and gestures. -Maal artists are four in number, two red and two white, respectively representing the Gorkhas and the Garhwalis. It is mandatory to have a red Maal from the Kunwar caste of the Rot hamlet, Saloor village, as it is believed that this hamlet supported the Gorkhas. The other three are selected by the Gram Panchas. One white Maal each is chosen from the twin villages and the remaining red Maal comes from village Dungra. This performance manifests past valour and bravery, sums up the total religious and aesthetic experience of the community, and renegotiates its identity and place in the bigger cosmic drama every year. ▶Ecological Aspect Ramman is an agrarian festival in celebration of ties between man, nature and the divine. Maize and barley seeds, sprouted in ritual pots, are offered to Bhumiyal Devta who, in turn, promises prosperity to all, including agricultural yield and forest produce. -Koorjogi: This episode is of immense ecological relevance. Various harmful weeds (koor) in the village fields are pulled out by Koorjogi (character who carries a sack full of these weeds). One of the most joyous moments in the series is throwing thorny weeds on each other, creating a mayhem of goodwill and merriment, establishing a sense of community and harmony. -Make-up of Artists: The Ramman performance involves use of masks and make-up using sheep’s wool, honey, vermilion, wheat flour, oil, turmeric, soot and locally grown plants and vegetables. -Masks are made from wood of local trees and this involves lengthy rituals. ▶Musical Aspect -Drumming Tradition: The performance revolves around playing of drums by Das drummers from the lowest caste, whose status is elevated during the performance. -Jagar Tradition: Jagaris or Bhallas of Rajput caste are professional bards and sing oral epics and legends (Jagars). The festival ends with a feast where the prasada of the deity is distributed as sacrament.

India 2009

There exist approximately thirty thousand traditional performing arts transmitted throughout Japan. This kind of performing arts is performed by ordinary amateur people in their daily life in order to pray for an abundant harvest, for example, and differs from theatre performing arts in the way of transmission, where professionals performer in front of the audience for the sake of art appreciation. Such performing arts are classified into intangible folk cultural property in Japan, and the transmission of them depends upon the further detailed classification. Dainichido Bugaku is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary people of the four communities in Hachimantai Town of Kazuno City, Akita Prefecture, positioned in the northern part of the main land of Japan. Japan has the ritual dance and music, called bugaku, that is one of traditional performing arts. It was a performing art brought about to Japan via the ancient China or the Korean peninsula from the fifth to the ninth century, and later sophisticated, developed, and finally Japanized in its long history; it was performed at a rite or a banquet in the imperial palace. While bugaku has been transmitted at the political centre of each age by professional performers, it gradually permeated widely into local areas in the course of a long history of Japan, and ordinary residents in local areas learned it. As a result, bugaku was introduced into local festivals or events, rooted there, and respectively transformed into locally distinctive performing arts. According to a legend of Dainichido, it originates from bugaku performed by professionals from the then Capital City on an occasion of reconstruction of Dainichido, i.e. the shrine pavilion, in the early eighth century. From this legend it was later named Dainichido Bugaku. While it was transmitted in Hachimantai Town, however, it acquired new features in its repertoire, musical instrument and choreography, not found in bugaku. In this sense it is recognized as an important element of cultural heritage which indicates the transition process of performing arts. It was designated by the National Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property. It is one element of intangible cultural heritage which represents the ‘extraneous category’ among the folk performing arts. It is dedicated to the deity on the stage set inside Dainichido on January 2nd with a prayer for the happiness of the year; performers successively dedicate with background music of flutes and drums. It has been transmitted by the people of the four communities, i.e. Osato, Azukisawa, Nagamine, Taniuchi, in Hachimantai Town. Those people are recognized as assuming the special role in the transmission of the performing arts. The transmitted repertoires are nine in total, and they are divided among the four communities for the transmission. Inside each community the elderly transmit its assigned repertoires to the younger and children. Thus, Dainichido Bugaku has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people of the four communities to-day. It is a kind of intangible cultural heritage collectively transmitted by a local community. Moreover, people are proud to perform the ritual dance. Performing the ritual dance deepens people’s sense of affiliation to a local community and reinforces their identity. Dainichido Bugaku is repeatedly performed for a long time from the dawn to noon of January 2nd every year, according to the fix performance order. After the people dedicate Dainichido Bugaku at the fixed site in each of the four communities, they proceed to Dainichido in a line. On the stage set inside Dainichido they together dedicate the nine Bugaku; in some of those Bugaku they put a head of shishi (an imaginary lion) on; in some they put a mask on; in others children perform. Thus, the style of Dainichido Bugaku has some variations, reflecting the local features. Many of the residents in Hachimantai Town gather around the stage on this occasion every year, since Dainichido Bugaku is also significant to people other than the performers in that it prays for the happiness of a new year and let them reconfirm the identity with a local community. Thus, Dainichido Bugaku reflects the history, culture and climate of Japan, and has a great meaning to today’s Japan from the social and cultural viewpoints. On the other hand, the performers are eager to transmit what they have inherited from the ancestors to successors.

Japan 2009

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

Bài Chòi is a diverse art form combining music, poetry, stage acting, painting and literature. It takes two main forms: "Bài Chòi games" and "Bài Chòi performance". "Bài Chòi games" are played during Lunar New Year by Việt people of Central Việt Nam. To play Bài Chòi, nine or eleven bamboo huts are built in a U-shape within a temple yard or in a vacant ground. The hut placed at the bottom of the U shape is called "main hut" (chòi cái), and the game leaders, who can be either male or female, are called Hiệu artists. The game leader takes a card out of a tube of cards, and then sings for people to guess what the card is. This part is called "Hô Thai". Players buy three cards and wait in the hut. Anyone whose three cards match the cards sung by the Hiệu artists will be declared the winner and given the prize. A new session will then restart. "Bài Chòi performance", male and female Hiệu artists perform on a rattan mat. They either travel from place to place to perform, or otherwise are invited to play for private families, forming rattan-peforming or mobile Bài Chòi styles. A single artist may also perform "solo Bài Chòi". In this case, the artists performs a number of theatrical roles. For some artists, Bài Chòi performances are a mean of earning a living. Musical instruments accompanying Bài Chòi include the two-stringed fiddle, clappers, shawm and war drums.

Viet Nam 2017

The Masked Dance of the Drametse community is a sacred dance performed during the Drametse festival in honor of Guru Padmasambhava, a Buddhist master. The dance performance also commemorates the founder of the Tegchok Namdroel Ogyen Choeling Monastery, Ani Choeten Zangmo; and venerable Khedurp Kuenga Gyeltshen (1505-/) who introduced the Masked Dance. These two are the eldest daughter and the fourth son respectively of the great treasure revealer, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-1521). According to oral accounts, Drametse Ngacham was introduced in 1518, just three years before the death of Pema Lingpa. The name of the mask dance is derived from the Drametse village community, which falls within the Drametse gewog village block of Mongar Dzongkhag district in the eastern part of Bhutan. The term Ngacham refers to the dance implements held by performers, a hand-held circular flat drum and mallet. Tegchok Namdroel Ogyen Choeling Monastery was established in 1530. The three-day Drametse Tshechu festival takes place twice a year, organized by the monastery administration. The dancers include monks from the monastery as well as laymen. The origin of the mask dance, its characteristic choreography, masks, and costumes are specified in detail in the Kabum, Collected Works, of Pema Lingpa. Pema Lingpa have seven siblings and Sangdag is one of his sons who fathered Tenzin Chogyal and gave birth to Ani (Nun) Choeten Zangmo. Therefore, Ani Choeten Zangmo is the great grand daughter of Pema Lingpa. Though Ani Choeten Zangmo has no intention to indulge in the leading a family, she was forced to marry Yeshey Gyalpo, son of Sumthrang Choeje Sherab Drakpa. Driven by her destiny, she became renunciate and later established her permanent seat at Drametse where she recognized a place of peace and tranquility, Dra-me “No Obstructions” to her meditational practices at the summit of a Tse, small ridge. During her stay, her brother Kuenga Gyeltshen who is popularly known as Khedrub Kuenga Wangpo visited her. Kuenga Wangpo is highly revered by spiritual masters for his outstanding philosophical knowledge and realization of the true nature of mind, thus he was given a title of Khedrup, great and realized scholar. He encountered Guru Padmasambhava several times while in meditational states, and had visited Zangdok Pelri, the Copper Colored Mountain, spiritual realm of Guru Padmasambhava. While staying at Drametse, an auspicious event happened in his early morning meditation on the 17th day of the 8th month of Iron Male Tiger year 1530—while the Drametse Lhakhang Monastery was under construction. In this state, three khadroma celestial maidens with white complexion, decorated with colorful silken robes, ornaments and flower garlands, invited Kuenga Wangpo to Zangdok Pelri, saying they had come to take him for a tour of the realm’s palaces. He asked, “What should I take for the long journey?” The maiden responded, “While you are experiencing pure vision without doubts, come along with us.” They took him to the realm, and into a palace called Pema yoe ki Phodrang where Kuenga Wangpo saw King Indra Bhuti. Then the maidens took Kuenga Wangpo to the majestic palace of Zangdok Pelri, where he saw Guru Padmasambhava in a youthful form smiling and telling him “I am happy to see you here.” Instantly, Guru manifested to a Jalue, Rainbow Body, and thereupon Kuenga Wangpo was entertained by a splendid dance performed by many gods and goddesses transforming themselves into Dampa Rigja (Hundred Guardian Deities); forty-two peaceful forms, and others in wrathful appearance or in human form with various animals’ heads. All wore exquisite robes and a melodious sound of Choe-ngai dra, Buddhist teachings, resonated from the beating of their drums. It is also believed that the sound of the drum signifies victory over evils and celebrates joy as Buddha’s teachings flourish. Kuenga Wangpo was then told to introduce this dance in Jigten me-yul, the human realm, and that conducting the Masked Dance would liberate sentient beings. Coming out of this meditation, he jotted down the detailed choreography, masks, and costumes. The first introduction of this Masked Dance was at the sacred place of Drametse, thus giving it the name Drametse Ngacham. Due to the significance embedded in the dance, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) who unified Bhutan as a country, the successive Je Khenpo spiritual leaders, as well as the Druk Desi temporary leaders—these spiritual masters and farsighted monarchs all propagated the Masked Dance across various monasteries and Dzong fortresses around the country.

Bhutan 2008

Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.