Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.

Japan 2012

Traditional Kyrgyz cuisine has a long history. It has been evolving for centuries and adapting to new conditions. There are various types of flour products popular in the country. The most popular is ‘boorsok’ - square shaped pieces of yeast dough fried in oil. Boorsok is important dish of all celebrations, holidays, funerals. Another widespread flour product is ‘jupka’. ‘Jupka’ is a flatbread prepared from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, milk and butter. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round shape. In some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called ‘tandyr’ buried into the ground. Kyrgyz cuisine contains different types of bread ‘nan’ such as ‘tandyr nan’ (baked in tandyr), ‘komoch nan’ (pan-fried bread on an open fire), ‘mai tokoch’ (bread fried in the oil), ‘kattama’ (bread baked in a frying pan with a large amount of butter or kaimak – fatty sour cream. Often kattama is filled with onions).

Games are those forms of individual or team competition, played to a decision according to agreed upon rules. They are voluntary and nonproductive and are played outside everyday reality, in their own territories by their own characters. Uzbek folk games, in terms of features, prevalent in them, are classified as follows: • Hunting games (Gang, Jambil, Lappak, Oshiq, Khappak, Chirgizak) • Shepherds' games (Tuptosh, Kotarma tosh, Echki oyin, Chopon va shoqol, Qadama tayoq, Chillik, Podachi, Chanta, Chuv-chuv, etc.) • Games associated with crafts (Dandarak, Charkhpalak, Besh barmoq, Paqilloq, Lanka, Chighiriq, Uzuk soldi, Varrak, Sartarosh, Koz boghlar, etc.) • Games associated with agriculture (Palakhmon, Jon burgam, Somon sepdi, Chanoq oyin, Shaftoli shaker, Qoriqchi, etc.) • Imitation games (Khola-khola, Topaloq, Kim oladi-yo, Ayiq oyin, Khoroz urushtirish, Oqsoq turna, Bosari, Asalari, Ghozlar, etc.) • Action games (Chunka shuvoq, Chim otish, Kim tex, Hurkach, Tufaloq, Chori chambar, Mushuk-sichqon, Yoghoch oyoq, Durra olish, Khalinchak, etc.) • Word games (Kim chaqqon, Bolkon-bolkon, Botmon-botmon, Juftmi-toq, Oq quyonim alomat, Oq terakmi, kok terak, Pirr etdi, etc.) • Games played during get-togethers (Gap-gashtak, Topik oyin, Podsho-vazir, Podsho-oghri, Arshi alo, etc.) • Folk wrestling and the games associated with it (Milliy kurash, Polvonbozlik, Yelkada kurash, Bel olish kurashi, etc.) • Riders' games (Chavgon, Uloq-kopkari, Piyoda poyga, Oltin qoboq, Shoghuloq, Qiz quvish, Eshak mindi, etc.)

Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.

Philippines 2019

Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.

Turkey 2009

Inscribed in 2016 (11.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju Island, off the southern coast of mainland Korea, is a volcanic island with a population of about 600,000 people. Some landforms of the island were inscribed on the List of World Heritage in 2007. An average Jeju haenyeo holds her breath for one minute while diving ten- meter underwater to gather marine products. When a haenyeo exhales after each dive, she makes a unique sound called "sumbi-sori." A haenyeo works for six to seven hours a day in summer and four to five hours in winter. She dives about ninety days a year. The income generated from diving work significantly contributes to Jeju households. A Jeju haenyeo has her own mental map of the sea, including the location of reefs and the habitat for shellfish. She also has a command of local knowledge on the winds and tides. The maps and knowledge are acquired through repeated diving experience by each haenyeo. Most Jeju haenyeo rely upon upper-skilled haenyeo’s (sanggun) weather forecast for diving rather than listening to the official forecasts. Jeju haenyeo communities practice a shamanistic ritual for the goddess of the sea (jamsugut). The ritual includes prayers for safety at sea and an abundant catch. The ritual has a part for the haenyeo to sing a song called “Seoujet-Sori.” “Haenyeo Norae” (Haenyeo Song), which used to be sung while rowing their boat out to the sea for diving, has been an important part of Jeju haenyeo culture.

South Korea 2016

Trống quân singing (i.e. folk singing with drums) usually takes place on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month every year. This kind of folk singing is sung not only for entertainment, love exchange during the leisure time of agricultural seasons, but also for prediction of the weather for the upcoming work by watching the moon and stars. Trống quân singing of Liêm Thuận commune has its own characteristics of the people living in lowland fields. Due to their life attached to water, they need to communicate on the water. As a result, water culture is created and Trống quân singing is taken to perform on boats and becomes a cultural beauty of this land

Bakhshi is an epic creator. The Bakhshi art is one of the specific genres of folk performing art. Bakhshi is a master and improvisator of words and stories, a skillful musician (skillfully plays on certain musical instrument) and singer (possesses the skills of traditional singing), who can accompany his performance with mimicry and plastique. He should be familiar with the life of his nation, with its culture and history. Moreover, he should have a rich vocabulary and masterly use popular language, be able to play with words, use their diverse forms. And all these features are connected with the art of bakhshi (bakhshichilik), which has centuries long history. The repertoire of Uzbek storytellers and narrators includes heroic, historical and romantic dostons, which incorporated ancient cultural traditions, memory of the nation, its spiritual world and historical destiny, its civic, moral and aesthetic ideals. In dostons it is possible to find the ideas of patriotism and humanism, commitment and love, friendship and brotherhood. At the same time, freedom of fantasy, which is observed among bakhshis, makes possible artistic realization of folk ideals. It should be noted that doston is not about verbal performance only. It is also the work of art which is prosaic, poetic and musical. Indeed, bakhshi does not read doston but sings it. The singing is accompanied by playing on dombra or by instrumental ensemble. The whole artistic composition, all figurative means and expressions of doston are aimed at improving the perception of listeners.

Uzbekistan 2021

Type of traditional embroidery which was widely spread in applied design art of Uzbekistan, Gold embroidery was revived at the middle of XXth Century. It's formation goes back to ancient history. At the end of the XIX – beginning of the ХХ century especially Bukhara was the center of crafts associated with gold embroidery. Notably, at that time gold embroidery was mostly dealt by men. But in some cases, when there were more orders than expected, women (who were close relatives of gold embroiderers) could act in the role of assistants. Bukhara gold embroiderers applied several methods of embroidering. These were: 1) "zardozi-zamindozi" – solid embroidering of the background with gold threads 2) "zardozi-guldozi" – embroidering based on design (image), which is cut out from paper 3) "zardozi-guldozi-zamindozi" – a combined method of embroidering, which unites the above-mentioned two methods 4) "zardozi-berishimdozi" –combined embroidering 5) "zardozi-pulakchadozi" –gold embroidering with spangles. Ornamentation in gold embroidery was predominantly of vegetative nature. Geometric patterns were used less often. Main motifs were rosettes, palmettes, bushes, trees, branches, flowerpots with flowers, almonds, pomegranates, cherries and grapes. Usage of certain vegetative motifs, for example, of "guli-chinni" (chrysanthemum), "guli-qashqari" (Kashgar flower), testify to the fact that pictures of Chinese porcelain (since ancient times it was imported to Central Asia and was popular among elites of Bukhara in the XIX – beginning of the XX century), were borrowed and adapted by Bukhara gold embroiderers.

The Sbek Thom is a Khmer shadow theatre featuring two metre high, non-articulated puppets made of leather openwork. Dating from before the Angkorian period, the Sbek Thom, along with the Royal Ballet and mask theatre, is considered sacred. Dedicated to the divinities, performances could only take place on specific occasions three or four times a year, such as the Khmer New Year, the King’s birthday or the veneration of famous people. After the fall of Angkor in the fifteenth century, the shadow theatre evolved beyond a ritualistic activity to become an artistic form, while retaining its ceremonial dimension. The puppets are made from a single piece of leather in a special ceremony for each character representing gods and deities. The hides are dyed with a solution made from the bark of the Kandaol tree. The artisan draws the desired figure on the tanned hide, then cuts it out and paints it before attaching it to two bamboo sticks enabling the dancer to control the puppet. The performances traditionally take place at night outdoors beside a rice-field or pagoda. A large white backdrop is held between two tall bamboo screens in front of a large fire or, nowadays, projectors. The shadows of the puppet’s silhouettes are projected onto the white screen. The animators bring the puppets to life with precise and specific dance steps. The performance is accompanied by an orchestra and two narrators. Inspired from the Reamker, the Khmer version of the Ramayana, the performances stage scenes of this epic, which may last several nights and require up to 160 puppets for a single presentation.

Cambodia 2008

Seemingly regarded as a leisure time activity today, “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” tradition with its historical background and institutional structure has a crucial role in social life. In some regions of Turkey, since the tradition is at the risk of disappearing practiced solely among the elderly, though it is preserved in some other parts of Turkey in accordance with the changing conditions of life. As seen in Çankırı case, the element has a significant role within the local culture, therefore Çankırı is defined as “Land of Yâran” by the residents of Çankırı. Although “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” meetings have different names in different regions of Turkey, they all have the same function. In a discipline of teach and delight, the primary aim is to have conversations and talks in leisure times. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” talks, through the concepts of love, fellowship, brotherhood and respect for each other, ensure safeguarding and conservation of traditions as well as creating a sense of neighborhood. The participants admitted to “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities vary from region to region. While in some regions only single men are admitted to the community, in some other regions, participants of the community are from different age groups and professions. For example, the groups in Manisa-Soma and Balıkesir-Dursunbey are classified as the youth, the middle aged and the elderly. Hence, in Soma, the meeting place of the young men is named as “Delikanlı Odası”, as “Köşe Odası” for the middle aged and “Koca Oda” for the aged. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” are characterized as patriarchal meetings; however the mothers and wives encourage those male members who take the advantage of those meetings in respect to its social and cultural benefits. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities gather at regular periods particularly in winter. For instance, “Sıra Gezmeleri” in Şanlıurfa, is held once a week preferably in Saturday evenings. The beginning and ending month as well as the time schedule concerning the dates and hours of the meeting are decided jointly. Non-participation except for the excuses such as death, illness etc. is subjected to penalty and the non- participant members not obeying the rules of procedures are also fined. The penalization practiced today has mainly turned into punishing with a fine. The total sum is allocated for organizing the following meetings, for the people in need as well as building fountains and roads. These communities usually compose of 5-30 persons and those members are guided by 3-5 community leaders, whose names vary from region to region. The community leaders are appointed via election or through proposals made by the elderly who are highly respected and designated by the consensus of all Yârans. The duty of community leader is to arrange in-group relations and to control the flow of the meetings. In this context, he has sanction power and the members are expected to obey the decisions made by the community leader. The titles of the community leaders can be summarized as follows: “Bayraktar” in Soma, Manisa; “Büyük Baranabaşı, Küçük Baranabaşı, Sohbet Çavuşu” in Balıkesir; “Büyük Yâranbaşı, Küçük Yâranbaşı, Köşe İhtiyarı” in Kütahya; “Delikanlıbaşı” in Ankara; “Efe, Saki” in Kırşehir; “Yiğitbaşı, Gönüller Ağası, Bayraktar” in Niğde; “Efrad” in Isparta, and “Büyük Başağa, Küçük Başağa, Çavuş” in Çankırı and ""Başkan"" in Şanlıurfa. Admission to Traditional Sohbet Meetings is of high dignity; nevertheless dismissal from the community is concerned as indignity. Certain procedures, which differ in each locality, are followed for the admission to or dismissal from or becoming a regular member or quitting the membership of the community. Being honest and modest, keeping secrets, not gambling, not wandering drunken around are accepted as the basic virtues and common rules in every locality. The members of the community have equal rights and commitments. There is no difference in social status among the members. The members of the community are taught and controlled by the leaders and by the other elder members in their daily lives. They also take the advantages of being a member of the community in physical and emotional support, if needed. The characteristics aforementioned contribute greatly to the members, the locality and to the society as well. The meetings are open to guests. The members sometimes bring their children along with them, which ensure the transmission of the tradition to future generations. Learns laying the table by her mother Learns joining in Sohbet by his father Traditional Sohbet Meetings are indoor activities. Those places can be the houses of the community members, be commonly-shared places called “köy odaları”, which has traditional features in Turkey, or rented places called “oda” for which expenses are shared as in Şanlıurfa case. Today, the meetings are held in the places allocated by local authorities. Interior design and setting differ in some regions yet generally sofa and floor cushion is used at the meetings. Traditional Sohbet Meetings consist of many elements but the main element is ""Talk"". This ""Talk"" has a wide range of topics, anything relevant to social life. Other elements of these meetings are folk music, folk dances, indoor plays, village spectacle plays and dining. There is not a certain order for practicing the elements; nonetheless, in each meeting there can be a specifically drawn order. List of dishes can show differences from region to region; nevertheless, not creating a difference in social status as well as not being costly for the host is carefully taken into consideration when preparing the dishes. For instance, the dish list is composed of çiğ köfte, deserts (künefe, şıllık, etc.) and strong coffee, known as mırra, in Şanlıurfa. In Çankırı, soup, güveç (casserole), rice and baklava are main dishes served in Yâran meetings. One of the most important elements of this tradition is music. Şanlıurfa Sıra Gecesi and Elazığ Kürsübaşı meetings, in a master-apprentice discipline, function as a conservatory for the traditionally trained performers. The musical performance begins with the pieces in rast and divan maqams; continues by other maqams if requested; and finalizes by kürdi and rast maqams. The instruments used in these meetings vary from region to region, but the main instruments are the bağlama, cümbüş (mandolin with a metal body), def (tambourine), violin, ud, kanun (zither) and kaval (end-blown flute). The local tunes are performed by the master bearers. Listening to music is also as important as performing the music. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings”, including music, dining, plays and talks, last until the early morning. Therefore, Traditional Sohbet Meetings compose all elements of life and culture. Owing to changing living conditions and migration from rural to urban area, Traditional Sohbet Meetings tradition is transmitted by its bearers to other cities.

Turkey 2010