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Manage No, Sortation, Country, Writer ,Date, Copyright Manage No EE00002091 Country Bhutan ICH Domain Social practices, rituals, festive events Address Ura is one of the four gewogs located in the southern part under Bumthang Dzongkhag. It has ten cluster communities; Tangsi-bi, Shing-nyeer, Shingkhar, Pangkhar, Sum-thrang, Beteng, Tra-bi, Tar-zhong, Toepa and Cha-ri has 301 total household with 2288 populations. Amongst the ten cluster communities, only one household from Pangkhar village upholds the age-old Yak rearing tradition at the present day. Pangkhar community is located adjacent to the Ura Gewog Administration and has a total of 37 households with approximately 230 populations. The ritual performance of Yak-lai is not only practiced in the communities of Ura gewog but has an oral account recollects that a similar ritual practice is also undertaken by the people of Upper Tang communities under Tang gewog in Bumthang. However, selling of Yaks and ritual tradition had already been discontinued for nearly two decades. It is known that National Centre for Animal Nutrition, Bhutan Government have established revitalization project of Yak rearing culture in 2014 and has been successful but, there has been no information of the revival of Yak-lai tradition. Therefore, Meme Kungla form Pangkhar and some normal cattle owner from Ura were some last standing community members to preserve the age-old ritual tradition. Yak-lai ritual is annually organized at respective pasture shed locally called Tsher-sa at Pang-tshes-pa, Cha-tang or Tang Tsher-sa all located around 5 kilometers from Pangkhar.Year of Designation 2016
| Description | A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition. |
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| Social and cultural significance | Yak-lai ritual is one of the oldest nomadic ritual practices of Ura and Tang Gewogs. Considered a Bonkar ritual, it has helped save animals’ lives which are the source of sustainability for nomadic communities. Performances of the ritual and their acts of faith and devotion towards Lha Wodue Gongjan have helped to build strong bonds between humans and deities by respecting and honoring his guidance, protection and support. The Yak-lai ritual is a symbolic expression of love and kindness; appreciation and paying gratitude towards these animals upon which the nomads’ livelihood solely depend. Further, Yak-lai helps integrate families and communities through shared ritual experience. |
| Transmission method | As Yak-lai is a ritual, it does have a written scripture in the hands of the shamans. Some of them have even documentation of oral accounts of how the herders have to invoke and invite the deity in their shrine. These textual manuscripts are said to be either inherited to their sons if they are interested to practice the tradition or else it will be given to other interested lay man. Regarding the preparations and proceedings, herders have complete knowledge and the wisdom is transmitted to their family members by intensively involving them in each and every preparations, performances and also taking care of the cattle. However, as mentioned earlier, Yak rearing tradition in Ura community had declined rapidly in the recent years leaving a single Yak herder in Pangkhar village and three households from Ura who upholds the dying ritual. Following is the proceedings; First, the auspicious days are divined, and a shaman is requested to preside over the ritual. A week in advance, the host family begins to collect necessary items for the ritual. One day prior to the preparation day, the Lhapon and the family members travel to the yak herding camp, carrying all the necessary supplies. Once the host family and the Norpon, the leader of the yak herders, arrive at the camp, the Lhapon instructs them in constructing a temporary shrine alongside the camp hut. They also erect a lha-brang (a sacred platform from where deity will be invited to descend) and a lha-shing (deity’s flag) on a hilltop or somewhere slightly higher than the hut. During the course of the ritual, it is considered crucial that the Lhapon and members of the host family maintain ritual cleanliness by avoiding defilements including contact with dead bodies, delivering babies, or engaging in sexual activities. The shrine and its surroundings should be meat free and no Buddhist practices should take place for the duration of the ritual. Preparations include the collection of sang (juniper branches), arranging the yaks for the Tenzug offering, collecting sangchu (cleansing water), and preparing tshog (fried pancakes). They also gather sufficient quantities of chang phod (wine offering), phey (flour), karjan mar (butter used as decoration) and pamzar (multi-coloured cloth strips or dyed yak fur that are hung from the yak’s neck, chest and tail as adornments). Meanwhile, the Lhapon washes and cleans the plates and other ritual items needed to make torma (ritual cakes), and makes additional preparations for the shrine. After the lhakhang and lhabrang are constructed, the deity is invited to take up residence within them. Because it is believed that the deity descends to earth on the rays of the sun, the invitation ceremony usually takes place in the late afternoon, just before sunset. While receiving the deity, the Lhapon wears a clean gho (Bhutanese man’s dress) and a red scarf, and a crown made of khadar. He carries a ritual drum in his right hand and a drum stick in the left. He is accompanied by the Norpon, who wears a white or khamar (a ritual scarf used often by shamans) to receive the deity. Everyone proceeds to the lhabrang and both the Lhapon and Norpon face the lhashing and prostrate themselves before it three times. The Norpon then invokes the principal deity in the local dialect and requests him to attend the ritual and provide the community with his blessings. After the invocation prayer, the Lhapon takes the lhadhar from the lhashing and hands it to the Norpon. Together, they and those assembled yell ‘tey hu hu’ in long, high pitched tones to mark their joy at the deity’s arrival. They yell this three times in order to signal the deity’s procession towards the lhakhang. Those waiting there begin burning incense to welcome the deity with butter tea, tea and wine. Meanwhile, the Lhapon slowly beats the drum and the Norpon gathers wild flowers known as Yak-lai Meto on the way to the lhakhang. The flower represents the deity’s riding pony; therefore, the Norpon holds the flower between his legs with his left hand. In his right, he holds the lhadhar, which symbolizes the god, with the handle leaning on his right shoulder. The scene may seem a bit awkward but the complicated pose is to symbolize the god riding in. The Lhapon increases the tempo of his drum beat as they approach the lhakhang, and stops hitting the drum once they reach the entrance. The Nangi Ama, a single female head of household, waits outside the shed in her best clothing and receives the group with warm tea or ara. Before they enter the Lhakhang, Nangi Ama express welcoming words and also exchanges some feelings of longingness of the deity and expectations of blessings for the host. Getting inside the Lhakhang, the Norpon places the lhadhar in the direction where the shrine is arranged. The Lhapon is seated and Marchang (ceremonial wine offering) is conducted in front of the lhadhar, after which the wine is then served to the Lhapon and the family members. Everyone participating in the ritual must mark the deity’s arrival by sharing in the beverage, and they are supposed to consider the drink as a blessed gift from the deity. Thereafter, preparation of ritual cake are started and, dinner is served to the Lhapon and household members right after the preparations are completed. The main recipe for the dinner is usually khurwa (buckwheat pancakes) served with a chili and cheese curry. A sliced lump of yak butter (representing meat), milk, and suja (butter tea) are also served. After a short rest, the Lhapon is served hot milk tea before he commences the main ritual. For the main ritual, the Lhapon beats a drum tied to a post as he reads the Yak-lai text. The tempo of the drumbeat depends on the traditional Bonpo ritual, though usually the voice is low and the incantations have a prolonged tone. The text has multiple subsections, including the Sangrab (history of smoke offering), the Chu-rab (origin of water), and the Me-rab (origin of fire). In between the accounts of water and fire, the Lhapon and the host conduct a Marchang offering. Then Lhapon resumes by reading the Chag-rab (iron lineage) and conducts Sangso, a smoke offering to cleanse defilements. During the Sangso, the Norpon offers sang outside the hut at the end of each verse. The Lhapon marks the end of each verse by saying ‘sangso’ loudly, which is repeated back in a louder tone by the Norpon as he makes the offering. The ritual then continues with Zheng-rab (awakening) which includes Chen-dren (the invitation of the god) and a tshog (offering ingredients) offering to Lha Wodue Gongjan, his retinue and the local deities. Next, the Dhen-rab (an account of the deities’ dwelling places) is recited, followed by offering of Brang-jey (special local food) and the season’s first share of all the offering items. Finally, the ritual concludes with dedication prayers for the well-being of the host family and an earnest appeal for the god’s blessings and protection. While the Lhapon performs the ritual, the host family members serve him warm milk, Marchang, fried yak cheese and drinks as and when required, as well as make continuous sang offerings outside the hut while yelling ‘sangso’. The short text is recited multiple times. The Lhapon sleeps only for two to three hours around midnight and he resumes the ritual again before daybreak. The ritual pauses between 7:00–8:00 in the morning for breakfast, which is usually buckwheat pancakes and curry, served with various dairy products. After the breakfast, the family members take their selected livestock to the Lhabrang where the lhashing is pitched for the Tenzug (cattle offering). At the same time, they also prepare for the deity’s departure ceremony. Once the preparations for Tenzug have been made at the Lhabrang, the family members follow the Lhapon as he leaves to conduct the Tenzug ritual. The Lhapon holds the drum, the Norpon takes Pheymar (heap of flour with butter decorations), one of the men carry the main torma and other family members carry marchang, tshog and other offerings that were displayed in the shrine. The Lhapon beats the drum as he leads the way up to the lhabrang. On arrival, they circumambulate the lhashing three times and place the lhadhar on the lhashing shugpa (juniper). The main torma and pheymar are placed on a round stone slab mounted on a tripod beneath the lhashing shugpa, and the other offering items are arranged on the ground. The Lhapon again recites the sangrab before the ritual to propitiate Dralha Pangtoe (the local ‘warrior deity). The ritual performance lasts about one hour. Meanwhile, the herd of selected animals are made to circumambulate the lhashing three times and then tied up near the Lhabrang. Before the Tenzug offering, the Lhapon and helpers are served tea and drinks. The host presents the Lhapon with a male yak flanked by two or more female yaks, to be offered to Lha Wodue Gongjan and other protective deities including like Palden Lhamo (Shri Devi), Gonpo (Mahakala), Namsey (Kubera), Trashi Tsheringma (Five Sisters of Long Life), Dralha (warrior deity) and Pholha (male deity). The number of offerings increases according to the number of deities associated with the animals’ owner, and if it is deemed that yaks are insufficient to honour them, hybrid cows may also be offered. After the preliminary ritual, the Lhapon and Norpon decorate the designated animals by tying colourful pamzar on their necks, shoulders, fur and tails. Next the tshog is placed on both the male yaks’ horns and a single tshog is placed on heads of the yak cows. Right after the tshog offering, the Lhapon holds the pheymar and sprinkles pheymar on the male yak from head to tail before doing the same to the other animals. Then the Lhapon waves the green branches over smoking incense before dipping them in Sangchu (holy water). He then sprinkles the sangchu over the animals’ bodies to cleanse and sanctify the animals before they are offered. Tradition maintains that if the animal shivers as they are sprinkled with water, the animals have been accepted by the deities. According to the late Meme Konchola, once the animals are sprinkled with sangchu, they wobble wildly and dislodge the tshog on their horns. The excitement of the animal indicates that Lha Wodue Gongjan and the other deities are pleased with their offerings, and thus, the people believe that no misfortunes will befall their family members and there will be good health for their livestock and agricultural products. When the animals don’t shudder immediately, the Lhapon will sprinkle them from different directions. He will also make prostrations to the deity. After these additional efforts, the deities often accept the animals but there have been those occasions when the animal does not appear to be accepted. When this happens, it is believed that the animal could be contaminated with defilements and impurities, which is considered a bad omen and is a disheartening moment for the owner. According to Tsilop (Astrologer) Sang-ngag and Tshering Trashi, the remedy for the defilements is to perform Lhabsang (cleansing ritual) then make the offerings and perform the invoking ritual. Finally, the Lhapon leads the participants in circumambulating the lhashing. The host prostrates three times towards the lhashing and then makes final prayer of dedication. With these prayers, the Yak-lai ritual is formally concluded. Thereafter, the animals are well fed with oil, butter milk and tshog before they are freed for grazing. After the Tenzug offering, the Lhapon, family members, guests and other helpers are served with blessed drinks and food, or tshog. It is believed that all the food offerings shared after the deity’s departure should be considered blessed by the god. The Lhapon returns to the lhakhang and recites Nor-zung (a ritual text dedicated to the god of wealth) until evening while young boys and girls carry bamboo baskets into the mountains to collect incense for the next day’s smoke offering. After they return, they sing and dance all night. If the Lhapon is not engaged in other personal or community obligations, he is requested to preside over the Choe-sung (ritual to the protective deities) also. But, if he has preplanned work, he is offered one Mar-shey (a kilogram of yak butter) and five Phrum tora (rolls of yak cheese) as Cha-gyeb (wage). However, if the Lhapon prefers to stay back, he stops reciting Norzung in the early evening. Then, he prepares for the choesung ritual by making ritual cakes according to the number of deities associated with the family. The term choesung is a ritual of thanksgiving to the protective guardian deities associated with members of the host family. The family deities include both enlightened deities (Yeshe kyi lha) and deities of the locality (Neydag Zhidag). The ritual is conducted with grand offerings to please the deities in the hopes of securing their continuous help and profound blessings. When the Lhapon is presiding over the choesung ritual he is not called Lhapon but rather Lopon. During choesung, he is accompanied by other ritual performers since it is a Buddhist ritual. This longstanding community tradition perhaps may be a substitute for Bon rituals or may reflect Bon and Buddhist practices being practiced alongside one another. If possible, a lama presides over the choesung, accompanied by a few choeps. They reach the camp either on the day of Tenzug or in the morning before the choesung. If the owner cannot find the necessary number of ritual specialists, Lopon performs the choesung ritual accompanied by available friends. In the morning at around 6:00 a.m., Lopon performs lhabsang in the same place where Yak-lai was conducted the previous day. He conducts cleansing rituals both inside and outside the hut including the people and livestock. If there are other ritual performers, they join the choesung ritual after breakfast. In the evening, the choesung ritual concludes with yangkhuk or yang-guk, a ritual to invoke god of wealth Namsey and goddess Tsheringma. Dedication prayers are conducted next, and after dinner, family members and guests engage in merrymaking, singing and dancing. On the next day, most family members return to their home villages with their belongings, though the Norpon and his assistants often stay behind for some time. |
| Community | It is said that previously, the ritual is widely conducted by individual households in a number of villages, including Shingkhar, Sumthrang, Pangkhar, Ura, Shing-nyer, and Tangsibi villages in Ura Gewog, as well as some higher altitude villages in Tang Gewog. However, Yet, at present, amongst 68 Ura community only three households the active practitioners of the element and one from Pangkhar village. These last four known are the upholder of the dying tradition in the country and host of the ritual. However, the actual ritual performer locally called Lha-pon (shaman) has to be invited from the locality. Lha-pon is the main ritual practitioner, the bearer of the ritual text, holder of the ritual cake crafting knowledge and its detailed proceedings. These Shaman are normally local lay Buddhist practitioners who knows how to perform Buddhist affirmation ritual and rites. The definition of Ura is- phonetically ‘Ü’ refers to Ugyen Guru (Guru Padsambava) and the following pair of letters ‘ra’ is an abbreviation for ra-wa (fence or boundary) formed by the ridge encircling the communities and keeping the valley hidden from others. It is also known as Ur-bey, which the word ‘Ur’ interprets the same meaning while the following ‘Bey’ is an abbreviation ‘Bey-yul’ which means hidden land. Therefore, the community name literally translate as the hidden land of Guru Padsambava. However, according to bum thang lha'i sbas yul gyi bkod pa, written by Kunkhen Longchen pa (1308-1363), Ura is located in the middle direction between east and south. It is said to be the last settlements of the Tsang people, a Tibetan immigrant group. Similarly, the name Pangkhar got its name as the settlements of the community is scattered over the gentle sloppy plains of Sha-dang la (mountain) and Jab-thong la thus calling it as Pang and a ruined fortress (Khar) of local leader name Dung Nag-po (estimated. 1600-1700?) atop the hill overlooking the community. Data collected by: Mr. Yeshi Lhendup, NLAB |
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National Library and Archives of Bhutan
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PI00006831
Yak-lai (Propitiation of Yak god)
A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year.
Bhutan Thu -
PI00006830
Yak-lai (Propitiation of Yak god)
A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year.
Bhutan Thu -
PI00006829
Yak-lai (Propitiation of Yak god)
A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year.
Bhutan Thu